The following motives of antisocial activity are distinguished: motives of self-affirmation (status) and protective motives.

The motives of self-affirmation lie in the need for self-affirmation - the most important need that stimulates the widest range of human behavior. It manifests itself in the desire of a teenager to assert himself at the socio-psychological and individual levels.

Affirmation at the socio-psychological level is associated with the desire to win personal status, i.e., to achieve recognition from a personally significant inner circle at the group level - family, reference group (friends, buddies, peers, work colleagues, etc.). But it can also be a group with which a person does not contact, but which he aspires to get into, to become a member of it. In such cases, the crime acts as a way of his penetration into such a group, achieving recognition.

Personal assertion at the individual level (self-affirmation) is associated with the desire to achieve high marks and self-esteem, increase self-esteem and level dignity. This is achieved by committing such actions that, in the opinion of a person, contribute to overcoming any psychological flaws, weaknesses and at the same time demonstrate the strengths of the individual.

Of the named levels of personality affirmation, it is self-affirmation, in all likelihood, that is of paramount importance, stimulating the thirst for recognition at the socio-psychological level.

Protective motivation. Studies show that a significant number of actions have a subjective, usually unconscious, meaning of protection from an external threat, which in reality may not exist. In this case, the fear of probable aggression usually stimulates the commission of immoral actions. Ilyin E.P. Motivation and motives. - St. Petersburg, 2003.

Some authors who have studied the motivational sphere of adolescents with an antisocial personality orientation distinguish five groups of such adolescents Actual problems of sociology deviant behavior and social control / Otv. ed. I. Gilinsky. - M., 2002 ..

The first group includes those who embarked on the path of offenses by accident. They are weak-willed and easily influenced by the environment. Their needs are prosocial and are not in themselves the cause of their antisocial behavior.

The second group includes adolescents with slightly deformed needs. They are easily suggestible, frivolous, curry favor with their comrades.

The third group is characterized by a conflict between deformed and prosocial needs, interests and attitudes. Their correct moral views did not become convictions. They are characterized by an egoistic desire to satisfy their needs, which leads to antisocial acts.

The fourth group consists of adolescents with deformed needs and base aspirations, imitating those juvenile delinquents who have a stable set of immoral needs and an openly antisocial orientation of feelings and views. Offenses are committed by them, mainly situationally, as a result of a personal motive that spontaneously arose against the background of the general orientation.

The fifth group includes adolescents with a stable complex of socially negative anomalous, immoral, primitive needs. Egoism, indifference to the experiences of others, the desire for consumer pastime, aggressiveness are combined with deliberately committed offenses.

One of the leading criminologists, Academician V. N. Kudryavtsev, understands the motivation of criminal behavior as the process of forming the motive of a crime, development and formalization, and then implementation in actual criminal acts. He believes that motivation must be distinguished from the mechanism of criminal behavior both in terms of the volume and content of these concepts. V. N. Kudryavtsev does not include in the motivation and assessment of the situation by the subject, and foreseeing the consequences of his actions, and making a decision. It turns out that a person, committing a crime, acts as if blindly Kudryavtsev VN The problem of motivation in criminology // Criminal motivation. - M., 1986 ..

V. V. Luneev believes that all of the above elements are included in motivation.

Being a dynamic process, motivation is associated with all elements of criminal behavior: the actualization of a need, the emergence and formation of a motive, goal setting, the choice of ways to achieve a goal, forecasting possible results, decision making.

There are also contradictions in the understanding of motive by criminologists. Most authors understand the motive as an impulse: a conscious impulse to commit a specific purposeful act (act of will) that represents a public danger and is provided for by criminal law as a crime, an internal impulse that makes a person decide to commit a crime”, “an impulse that guided a person when committing a crime.

VN Kudryavtsev says that the motive for a crime can only be asserted when such elements of criminal behavior have already appeared or are being formed. A person is not yet a criminal (and may never become one), but is already socially dangerous, because he has the determination (intention) to commit a crime. Understanding this is important for the prevention of crimes, which should consist not only in eliminating the conditions for their commission, but also in changing the views and attitudes of the individual, that is, in her education and re-education. VN Kudryavtsev writes that knowledge of the motives of criminal behavior facilitates the planning of measures for individual prevention and forecasting the future behavior of the subject, gives an idea of ​​the content, depth and degree of stability of his antisocial views; in some cases, knowledge of the motives makes it possible to judge the conditions for the formation of the personality, as well as the situation in which the criminal intent arose.

Thus, if for criminal law there is only one aspect, whether a crime is committed or not, then this is not enough for law enforcement agencies and pedagogy: it is necessary to identify intentions, personality traits that can lead to the emergence of motives and motivational attitudes of criminal behavior.

Undoubtedly positive in the views of criminologists on the motive is the position that the motivation of a crime reflects not only and not so much this or that criminogenic situation in which it is committed, but all the previous negative influences of the social environment that formed a personality with an antisocial orientation, or rather, deformed the motivational sphere personality. Consequently, the time limits for the reflection of criminogenic influences in the motivation of a crime cannot be limited to the framework of a specific situation. Here, V. V. Luneev quite clearly expressed the idea that, by studying the structure of the motive, we thereby study the history of the formation of personality, its structure. There is a certain parallelism between the dominant motives of the offender and his social roles, connections, therefore, personality characteristics are reflected in the characteristics of the motives of criminal behavior in 70-75% of cases Luneev V.V. Criminogenic situation in Russia and the formation of a new political elite // Sociological research. 1994. No. 8-9..

V. B. Golitsyn revealed that delinquents are characterized by the dominance of needs for the means of subsistence and the insufficient formation of the needs of development, knowledge, labor, and interpersonal communication.

According to the severity of certain needs and characteristics, D. I. Feldshtein divides adolescents with an antisocial personality orientation into five groups. The first group includes teenagers who have taken the path of delinquency by accident. They are weak-willed and easily influenced by the environment. Their needs are prosocial and are not in themselves the cause of their antisocial behavior. The second group includes adolescents with slightly deformed needs. They are easily suggestible, frivolous, curry favor with their comrades. The third group of adolescents is characterized by a conflict between deformed and prosocial needs, interests, and attitudes. Their correct moral views did not become convictions. They are characterized by an egoistic desire to satisfy their needs, which leads to antisocial acts. The fourth group consists of adolescents with deformed needs and base aspirations, imitating those juvenile delinquents who have a stable complex of immoral needs and an openly antisocial orientation of attitudes and views. Offenses are committed by them, mainly situationally, as a result of a motive that spontaneously arose against the background of the general orientation of the personality. The fifth group includes adolescents with a stable complex of socially negative anomalous, immoral, primitive needs. Selfishness, indifference to the experiences of others, the desire for consumer pastime, aggressiveness are combined in them with deliberately committed offenses.

Thus, most of the components that form the structure of the motive for a crime (criminal act) are not criminal. However, since a person chooses criminal ways and means to satisfy a need and achieve a goal, the motive as a whole, like the idea, intention, acquires a criminal character.

V.V. Luneev cites data that show that the motives of criminal behavior in individuals different ages differ significantly. Adolescents aged 14-16 are characterized by two types of criminal motivation: mercenary, the share of which reaches more than 50%, and violently selfish, the share of which is 40%. The intermediate form (selfish-violent) is most often performed when the self-affirmation motivation dominates. Specific reasons for the criminal behavior of adolescents are: the desire to have fun, to show strength, courage, dexterity; to assert oneself in the eyes of peers, the desire for something special, for sweets, prestigious things. Therefore, three-quarters of adolescent crimes are situational-impulsive in nature.

The criminal behavior of 16-17-year-olds is similar in many aspects to that of adolescents. However, there are also differences. The number of crimes for mercenary motives is decreasing (up to 40%). Motivation, as it were, “grows up” and becomes more diverse. The motives for criminal behavior in people of this age are: self-interest, hooligan motives, obtaining funds for alcohol and drugs, revenge and anger, solidarity with others, mischief, to obtain funds for sweets, to show one's strength and courage, to assert oneself in the eyes of others, etc. d.

The criminal motivation of young people aged 18-24 is characterized by a greater connection not with a specific situation and mental state subject, but with the orientation of the personality, its views. The proportion of forcibly selfish motives increases and the number of children's motives decreases (the desire to gain authority from peers, imitation of others, wanted adventures, under duress). At the same time, the number of cases where the offender cannot clearly determine the motive for his act is increasing.

In mature growth, the proportion of violently selfish motivation decreases. In the first place comes selfish motivation, the motivation of profit, benefit, envy. The nature of violent-egoistic motivation is changing: hooligan motives give way to motives associated with anger, jealousy, revenge. The situation is playing a lesser and lesser role Luneev V.V. Criminogenic situation in Russia and the formation of a new political elite // Sociological research. 1994. No. 8-9..

deviant motive convicted teenager

MOTIVATION OF DEVIANT (DEVIANT) BEHAVIOR

12.1. GENERAL VIEWS

ODEVIANT BEHAVIOR AND ITS CAUSES

Deviant behavior includes aggressive actions towards others, crime, drinking alcohol, drugs, smoking, vagrancy, suicide.

There are two extreme points of view on the conditionality of deviant behavior: natural-biological and sociological-reductionist. The first tries to explain the causes of deviant behavior exclusively by natural biological factors (a peculiar genetic organization, violations of biochemical regulation, mechanisms of the nervous system). The second resorts to sociological and economic explanations, excluding the role of any internal, including psychological factors (personal dispositions). In reality, deviant behavior, as noted by the Hungarian psychologist F. Pataky (1987), is a systemic or polydeterministic phenomenon, in the formation of which historical, macro-sociological, socio-psychological and individual-personal factors take part.

The formation of deviant behavior is influenced by both external (including socio-economic) and internal (in particular, psychological) factors. There is no need to talk much about the former - this is unemployment, and a low standard of living, and hunger, and a certain subculture of certain strata of society, the analysis and description of which is the prerogative of sociologists, economists, and politicians.

The task of this section is to show the psychological causes of deviant behavior.

L. M. Zyubin (1963) notes three reasons leading to the peculiarities of the motivation of difficult adolescents:

1) a lack of mental development in general (but not a pathology!), which prevents the correct introspection of behavior and the prediction of its consequences;

2) insufficient independence of thinking and therefore greater suggestibility and conformity;

3) low cognitive activity, impoverishment and instability of spiritual

needs.

In line with the problem under consideration, two main psychological (internal) causes of deviant behavior can be named: unsatisfied pro-social needs that create an internal conflict of the personality and lead to the formation of deformed and abnormal needs, and the presence of asocial personal dispositions (motivators), leading to the choice of asocial means and ways to meet the needs or get rid of them (by, for example, suicide).

The child's unmet need for possessions, which may be due to a lack of toys in kindergarten or the unceremonious intrusion of adults into the world of things beloved and necessary for the child (“Where did you find this rubbish? Throw it away immediately!”), Can contribute to the development of aggressiveness, cause a desire to compensate for the loss of one's property by appropriating someone else's. Aggressiveness, protests against everyone, defiant disobedience to social anxieties "and demands, running away from home is facilitated by an unsatisfied need for freedom. An unsatisfied desire to take a worthy place in a peer group and in a family (in the latter case, in connection with the appearance of a second child, to whom parents begin to give more attention) leads to negative forms of self-affirmation: buffoonery, desperation, oppositionism.

Improper upbringing leads to the formation in the child of a disdainful or even negative attitude towards the norms and rules of public life, distortion life values, the emergence of asocial values, i.e., the formation of asocial personal dispositions that affect the motivation for deviant, including criminal, behavior.

F. Pataki identifies natural (natural) and socio-cultural dispositions. Natural dispositions are psychopathic phenomena associated with psychophysiological disturbances in the organization of behavior. He refers to socio-cultural in certain national, local and ethnic cultures peculiar inherited and traditionally transmitted patterns and models of conflict resolution, which, if internalized by a person, can cause in him a tendency to some kind of deviant behavior; this is imitation of the standards of behavior that exist in certain strata of society, in a family that has come into contact with crime, etc.

The author rightly emphasizes that the disposition is not the direct cause of deviance, but only a factor causing a predisposition to it. However, if in the process of socialization, especially at its early stage, unfavorable (for example, psychopathic) tendencies and inclinations coincide with the corresponding socio-cultural patterns (anti-social, hedonistic, self-destructive, etc.), then the chances of the emergence of any variant of Deviant behavior will increase.

It should be noted that social norms of behavior (sociocultural dispositions) may not coincide in different ways. historical eras, among different nations and nationalities. In certain cultures, the ritual act of human sacrifice, blood feud, drug use was mandatory, being socially normative. The same character is currently

and many Sharia laws among Muslims. Among modern gypsies, the motive for theft is the lack of formalization of the concept of property. Alcoholism can act in the minds of most people as a "national identity". In certain cultures, suicide is glorified, which even causes imitation, for example, among samurai or in certain layers of the intelligentsia.

12.2. MOTIVATION OF AGGRESSIVE HUMAN BEHAVIOR

The problem of aggressive behavior in recent years has increasingly attracted the attention of psychologists, and if it results in criminal behavior, then criminologists. X. Hekhauzen, who reviewed the work of foreign psychologists, identifies three areas in the study of the motivation for aggressive behavior: drive theory, frustration theory, and social learning theory.

In the theory of drives, aggression is considered as a stable characteristic of an individual - “aggressive drive * (3. Freud), “aggressive drive energy” (K. Lorenz, 1994), “aggressive instinct * (W. McDougall). All these theories, from the point of view of X. Heckhausen, are only of historical interest, although the critics of these theories do not dispute that human aggression has evolutionary and physiological roots.

According to the frustration theory, aggression is not an attraction that automatically arises in the bowels of the body, but a consequence of frustration, i.e., obstacles that arise in the way of the subject’s purposeful actions, or the non-onset of the target state to which he aspired (J. Dollard et al.) . According to this theory, aggression is always a consequence of frustration, and frustration always leads to aggression, which subsequently received only partial confirmation. Thus, instrumental aggression is not a consequence of frustration.

The theory of social learning (L. Berkowitz; A. Bandura) is largely a refinement and development of the previous theory. L. Berkowitz introduced two variables between frustration and aggressive behavior: anger as an incentive component and trigger stimuli that trigger an aggressive reaction. Anger arises when the achievement of the goals to which the action of the subject is directed is blocked. However, anger does not in itself lead to aggressive behavior. This requires triggering stimuli adequate to it, which the subject must, through reflection, associate with the source of anger, that is, with the cause of frustration. In the future, this point of view also changed somewhat, which was reflected in the views of A. Bandura, who believes that the emotion of anger is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for aggression. The main role belongs, from his point of view, to learning by observing a model (i.e., imitation). In the concept of A. Bandura, aggressive behavior is explained both from the standpoint of learning theory and from the standpoint of cognitive theories of motivation. An important place is given to the orientation of the subject to the mandatory standards of behavior. For example, in the last century, nobles, when insulting their honor and dignity, had to challenge the offender to a duel; at the same time, according to Christian

it would be necessary to forgive the offender (non-resistance to evil by violence). Therefore, the same situation of one subject can lead to aggression, but not the other.

These different approaches to considering the causes of aggressive behavior reflect the current state of affairs in psychology on the problem of motivation, which I discussed in Chapter 1. The theory of drives is close to the point of view according to which the motive is taken as an impulse that arises in a person in the presence of a particular need, frustration theory - to the point of view according to which the causes of human actions and deeds are external stimuli (external situation). And the theory of social learning is close to the point of view, according to which the motive is identified with the goal (according to A. Bandura, this is the attractiveness of the anticipated consequences of an aggressive action). But all these theories have the same drawback - a one-sided approach to considering the causes of behavior and therefore cannot give enough full description the process of motivating this behavior.

Based on the mode of behavior chosen by the subject, verbal and physical aggression are distinguished, as well as the third independent type of such behavior - indirect aggression. It seems to me that this is not entirely logical, since both verbal and physical aggression can be indirect (the first is expressed in swearing to oneself, in a scandal with loved ones who have nothing to do with the conflict situation; the second is expressed in slamming the door when leaving, in pounding with a fist on the table, throwing (throwing) objects, etc.). Therefore, it is more logical, in my opinion, to talk about direct and indirect verbal aggression, as well as direct and indirect physical aggression. The expediency of their selection and independent study is confirmed by P. A. Kovalev (1996, p. 16), by the fact that, firstly, they have a different degree of manifestation (or inclination to manifestation): indirect verbal aggression is expressed twice as much as indirect physical aggression; in addition, direct physical aggression is most pronounced in men, and indirect verbal aggression in women (which significantly clarifies the data available in the literature on the greater aggressiveness of men compared to women); secondly, indicators of indirect verbal aggression, as a rule, do not correlate at a significant level with indicators of other types of aggression, while indicators of indirect physical aggression, as a rule, show significant relationships with indicators of other types of aggression (direct verbal and direct physical aggression). ).

At the same time, significant correlations between the total indicators of verbal and physical aggression, on the one hand, and the total indicators of direct and indirect aggression, on the other hand, indicate that they have something in common, and therefore one can speak of aggressive behavior as complex psychological phenomenon. However, one should not confuse aggressive behavior with a tendency to it (aggressiveness as an integral personality trait) and with other personal characteristics that facilitate or hinder the formation of a motive for aggressive behavior (conflict), as many foreign and domestic authors do. This leads to the fact that questionnaires for the study of aggressiveness include questions related to conflict, and questionnaires for the study of conflict include questions related to aggressive behavior; it does not take into account that these two phenomena are by no means identical.

From the point of view of the motivational process model presented by me in Chapter 5.1, the formation of the motive for aggressive behavior can be described as follows (Fig. 12.1).

It all starts with the emergence of a conflict (during communication) or frustrating (during activity) situations that play the role of an external stimulus. By the way, in foreign theories of motivation, conflictness is not mentioned when considering aggressive behavior, although conflictness is also studied in the methods of studying aggressiveness (using questionnaires).

However, the occurrence of these situations does not yet indicate the emergence of states of conflict or frustration in a person. So, for the emergence of a state of conflict, it is necessary that the clash of opinions, desires, interests, goals between those who communicate, firstly, be recognized by the subjects as such; secondly, it is necessary that the subjects of communication do not want to compromise and, thirdly, that mutual hostile relations arise between them - hostility (or at least one of them). In this regard, I agree with the opinion of N.V. Grishina (1995), who does not attribute any disagreement to a conflict and calls disagreements that are not burdened by emotional tension and “showdown” disagreements as a clash of positions or a substantive-business disagreement. If this is not taken into account, then any discussion that proceeds peacefully and calmly can be classified as aggressive behavior.

At the same time, in the process of any discussion, the “spark” of the conflict is “hidden”, but in order to “ignite a flame from the spark”, certain provoking conditions are needed, which can be both external objects (the behavior of the opponent, pressure from other people), and certain traits of the subject: resentment, irascibility, arrogance, “ruffiness” (characterizing his “excitability”, “conflict”), suspicion, intolerance to objections, intransigence. They create a predisposition of the subject to the occurrence of a state

conflict

Despite the fact that almost all conflict properties are strongly expressed in highly aggressive subjects (much stronger than in low aggressive ones), their influence on general aggressiveness is different. The greatest contribution to aggressive behavior is made by irascibility, resentment, vindictiveness (P. A. Kovalev, 1997). It is no coincidence that L. I. Belozerova (1992) revealed in difficult adolescents the predominance of such personality traits as touchiness (in 74%), stubbornness (in 68%), irascibility (in 34%), pugnacity (in 33%).

It is these subjects themselves that can contribute to the escalation of a conflict situation into a conflict. In addition to “excitability”, as A. A. Rean (1996) showed, the emergence of aggressive behavior is also influenced by such a personality (character) feature as “demonstrative ^”. A demonstrative person constantly strives to impress others, to attract attention. This is realized in conceited behavior, often deliberately demonstrative. Obviously, it is excessive vanity that leads to resentment, arrogance, the role of which for the emergence of aggressive behavior, as noted above, is large.

OI Shlyakhtina (1997) showed the dependence of the level of aggressiveness on the social status of adolescents. Its highest level is observed among leaders and "outcasts". In the first case, aggressive behavior is caused by desire

to protect or strengthen his leadership, and in the second - dissatisfaction with his position.

The emergence of a conflict may also depend on a communication partner who shows verbal or physical aggression towards the subject (denying a request, forbidding, threatening, expressing disagreement in an insulting form, not letting him in, kicking him out, pestering, attacking, etc.). All this causes certain negative states in the subject - annoyance, resentment, anger, indignation, anger, rage, with the appearance of which the formation of a motive for aggressive behavior begins. The experience of these states leads to the emergence of the need (desire) of the subject of communication to eliminate mental stress, to defuse it. This need leads to the formation of a still abstract goal: what needs to be done to satisfy the desire to punish the offender, eliminate him as a source of conflict, humiliate, harm, find a way to preserve self-esteem (see stage I of the motivation for aggressive behavior, Fig. 12.1). In many ways, the choice of this abstract goal will be determined both by external circumstances and by the experience and upbringing of a person, which at this stage can already block direct aggressive behavior (both verbal and physical), transforming it into indirectly aggressive.

The emergence of the intention to punish, revenge, etc. leads to the search for a specific way and means to achieve the intended abstract goal. From this moment, the second stage of the formation of the motive of aggressive behavior begins, the subject considers specific aggressive actions, the choice of which depends on the assessment of the situation and its capabilities, attitude to the source of the conflict, and the attitude towards conflict resolution. Here such qualities of the subject as pugnacity, scandalousness can play their role.

In the case of a decision to punish the offender, the subject can choose the following: hit, take something away, isolate from other people, do not give, do not let go somewhere, prohibit, do not allow, expel. When deciding to humiliate the offender, the choice of means is also quite large: ridicule, mock, scold, force something to be done against his will. You can also take revenge in different ways: harm in something, break the thing the offender needs, spread gossip about him, etc.

Having passed all these methods through the “internal filter”, the subject proceeds to the third stage of the formation of the motive for aggressive behavior: the formation of the intention to carry out a specific aggressive action in relation to a particular object (not necessarily in relation to the offender: evil can be vented on someone else). At this stage, a specific aggressive action is chosen, i.e., a decision is made. Decision-making leads to the emergence of motivation to achieve the goal. This completes the process of formation of the motive of aggressive behavior. Its result is the formation of a complex psychological complex, which includes the need (desire) of the individual to respond to a conflict situation (for example, to the aggressiveness of another person), the method and means of this response and the justification why they were chosen. Thus, the subject has a basis for aggressive behavior, which explains why he came to understand the need for such behavior (what prompted him), what he wants to achieve (what is the goal), in what way and, perhaps, for whom. This basis in some cases can also play the role of “in-

dulgence”, justifying and allowing the commission of an outwardly unseemly act.

Of course, the motive of aggressive behavior is not always formed in such a difficult way, the motivational process can be curtailed, especially due to stage II. Some people are accustomed to react in certain conflict situations in their own stereotypical way: fight, swear (children - spit). They may not have much doubt about how to respond to external aggression.

Thus, aggressive behavior is caused not just by a complex of various external and internal factors, but them a system that is implemented in the process of forming a motive (motivation). Consideration of this system makes it possible to combine various theories of the motivation of aggressive behavior into a single concept that takes into account the role of both external factors (frustration situations, conflict situations) and internal factors (subject's sensitivity to these situations, experience - learning, etc.).

12.3. MOTIVATION OF EGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR

Egressive behavior (from lat. egredior - get out, avoid) - this is a departure from a frustrating, conflict, difficult situation. This behavior comes in various forms: avoidance difficult assignments, responsible assignments, leaving lessons if there is a test to be done, escapes from a dysfunctional family, etc.

The following circumstances cause the subject's aggressive behavior (P. Dereshkevicius and L. Jovaisha, 1977):

1) lack of positive emotional attitude from others;

2) discrepancies in one's own self-assessment with the assessment of others;

3) unbearable demands on him, giving rise to frustration experiences (constant fear of failure);

4) experience of impotence, loss of hope for the opportunity to overcome difficulties, get rid of punishment;

5) a negative attitude towards the requirements placed on him. Contribute to the manifestation of aggressive behavior increased suggestibility

subject, imitation of other persons showing this type of behavior in similar situations, the expected relief after avoiding possible troubles, the expectation of unlimited freedom, independence.

12.4. MOTIVATION OF THE CRIMINAL

(DELINQUENT) BEHAVIOR

About criminal (delinquent, from lat. delinquens - offender) behavior, as a variety of deviant behavior, they say when the subject chooses an illegal way to satisfy the needs, desire

ny, removal of mental tension - uses physical force or weapons to inflict injury, injury or deprivation of life. In this case, the criminal intent turns aggressive behavior into a crime.

The motivation for criminal behavior can reflect not only aggression, but also other illegal acts: accepting a bribe, stealing, etc. Therefore, it has independent significance, attracting more and more attention of lawyers in recent years. Evidence of this is a collective study of lawyers and psychologists, issued in the form of a monograph (“Criminal Motivation”). This work leaves an ambiguous impression. On the one hand, criminologists, whose professional task is to clarify the motives of a crime, express some sensible and even advanced thoughts for psychologists (obviously, because they are closer to real life than the latter, who talk about motives "abstractly, detachedly), and on the other hand, among them there is also no common understanding of motivation and motives, especially since they are based on the work of psychologists.

One of the leading criminologists, academician V.N. Kudryavtsev (1978), understands the motivation of criminal behavior as the process of forming a motive for a crime, d r about development and formalization, and then implementation in actual criminal acts. He believes that motivation must be distinguished from mechanism criminal behavior both in terms of scope and content of these concepts. Motivation, from his point of view, does not cover the entire mechanism, because the latter includes the implementation of the decision made and self-control (which is hard to disagree with). But V. N. Kudryavtsev does not include in the motivation and assessment of the situation by the subject, and his foreseeing the consequences of his actions, and making a decision. It turns out that a person, committing a crime, acts as if blindly.

V. V. Luneev (1980) believes that all of the above elements are included in the motivation:

Being a dynamic process, motivation ... is associated with all elements of criminal behavior: the actualization of a need, the emergence and formation of a motive, goal setting, the choice of ways to achieve a goal, forecasting possible results, decision making 1 .

However, V. V. Luneev also included in the motivation an analysis of the consequences that had occurred, and even remorse and the development of a protective motive, which does not apply to motivation, as a process of forming a crime intent. Thus, his understanding of motivation is too broad, while V. N. Kudryavtsev's is narrowed.

There are also contradictions in the understanding of motive by criminologists. Most authors understand the motive as an impulse: “a conscious impulse (desire) to commit a specific purposeful act (act of will) that represents a social danger and is provided for by criminal law as a crime” (S. A. Tararukhin, 1977), “an internal impulse that causes the person has the determination to commit a crime”, “the motivation that guided the person when committing the crime” (B. S. Volkov, 1982). True, criminologists’ motivation is rather the basis of an act, and not an energy one.

1 The listed elements correspond to the scheme of motivation presented by us - see fig. 12.1.

impulse that causes the subject to be active. So, K. E. Igoshev (1974) understands the motive of criminal behavior as an impulse formed under the influence of the social environment and life experience of the individual, which is the internal immediate cause of criminal activity and expresses a personal attitude to which the criminal activity is directed.

Emphasizing that the motive of criminal behavior is an inducement, V. N. Kudryavtsev at the same time notices that one can talk about the motive of a crime only when such elements of criminal behavior as an object or object of influence, a goal or means of achieving a criminal result. At the same time, it is not specified whether we are talking about a perceived or real goal and the means to achieve it. If the latter is true (and the following phrase by V. N. Kudryavtsev suggests such an understanding: “... There is no reason to see criminal motivation in the very distorted needs or interests, views or feelings of a person who has not committed anything illegal. From the deformation of these elements of personality to a real act can be a sufficiently large distance")", then only one conclusion follows: there is no crime, which means there is no criminal intent, motive. However, an unfulfilled intention does not mean that this intention was not there. Obviously, the author voluntarily or involuntarily criminal behavior identified with a criminal motive, which, in the event of a delay or failure to achieve this moment Goals are converted into motivation. A person is not yet a criminal (and may never become one), but is already socially dangerous, because he has the determination (intention) to commit a crime. Therefore, criticism by I. I. Karpets (1969) of the views of Western criminologists who speak of a “dangerous state” of the individual does not look very convincing.

Understanding this is important for the prevention of crimes, which should consist not only in eliminating the conditions for their commission, but also in changing the views and attitudes of the individual, that is, in her education and re-education. V. N. Kudryavtsev obviously agrees with this, since he writes that knowledge of the motives of criminal behavior facilitates the planning of measures for individual prevention and forecasting the future behavior of the subject, gives an idea of ​​the content, depth and degree of stability of his antisocial views; in some cases, knowledge of the motives makes it possible to judge the conditions for the formation of the personality, as well as the situation in which the criminal intent arose.

Thus, if for criminal law there is only one aspect, whether a crime is committed or not, then this is not enough for law enforcement agencies and pedagogy: it is necessary to identify intentions, personality traits that can lead to the emergence of motives and motivational attitudes of criminal behavior.

The lack of established views on the essence and structure of the motive leads VN Kudryavtsev to obvious contradictions. He argues that one can speak about the motive of a crime only when the object of influence, the goal and the means of achieving the criminal result have already appeared or are being formed, and immediately writes that such an extreme should not be allowed, in which the motive includes -

Mechanism of criminal behavior. - M., 1981. - S. 12.

Xia precisely these elements, otherwise it begins to cover the entire subjective side of an intentional crime. But isn't it reasonable to consider the entire subjective side, that is, the entire structure of the motive?

Due to giving the crime only a legal basis, V.N. Kudryavtsev concludes that the same motive, depending on the situation, can be an inducement both to a crime and to a lawful action. But if there is an intention to commit a criminal act (as the final stage in the formation of a motive), then this motive cannot but be criminal.

Thus, works on the motivation of criminal behavior reflect the general situation of the problem of motivation that exists in psychological science, with all its contradictions and ambiguities. Studying the motives, criminalists would like to know about the experiences and feelings of the person who committed the crime, about his needs and interests, ideals, attitudes and beliefs, goals and means to achieve them, about planning the result, i.e. everything that served as the basis for the criminal act . And this is possible only if the motive of criminal behavior is considered (which is not being done yet) as a complex multicomponent psychological formation, and the process of its formation as a dynamic, stage-by-stage one.

At the same time, it is impossible not to note the statements of forensic scientists about the motive that deserve attention and sometimes outstrip the thought of psychologists. So, V.V. Luneev says that the motive, along with its most important function of motivation, also performs a regulatory filter function in the selection and evaluation by the subject of what contributes or counteracts the satisfaction of an urgent need. He also considers another function of the motive - reflective, which psychologists do not directly speak about (although similar statements are made, for example, by K. K. Platonov). A clear idea that motivation is a process of forming a motive, i.e., a motive is the result of this process, can also be added to the asset of criminalists (V. D. Filimonov, 1981; V. N. Kudryavtsev).

Undoubtedly positive in the views of criminologists on the motive is the position that the motivation of a crime reflects not only and not so much this or that criminogenic situation in which it is committed, but all the previous negative influences of the social environment that formed a personality with an antisocial orientation, or rather, deformed the motivational sphere personality. Consequently, the time limits for the reflection of criminogenic influences in the motivation of a crime cannot be limited to the framework of a specific situation. Here, V. V. Luneev quite clearly expressed the idea that, by studying the structure of the motive, we thereby study the history of the formation of personality, its structure. There is a certain parallelism between the dominant motives of the offender and his social roles, connections, therefore personality traits are reflected in the features of the motives of criminal behavior in 70-75% of cases.

V. B. Golitsyn (1985) revealed that delinquents are characterized by the dominance of needs for the means of subsistence and the insufficient formation of the needs of development, knowledge, labor, and interpersonal communication.

According to the severity of certain needs and characteristics, D. I. Feldstein (1993) divides adolescents with an antisocial personality orientation into five groups. To the first group includes teenagers who have taken the path of delinquency

tea. They are weak-willed and easily influenced by the environment. Their needs are prosocial and are not in themselves the cause of their antisocial behavior. To the second group includes adolescents with slightly deformed needs. They are easily suggestible, frivolous, curry favor with their comrades. third group adolescents are characterized by a conflict between deformed and prosocial needs, interests, attitudes. Their correct moral views did not become convictions. They are characterized by an egoistic desire to satisfy their needs, which leads to antisocial acts. fourth group are adolescents with deformed needs and base aspirations, imitating those juvenile delinquents who have a stable complex of immoral needs and an openly antisocial orientation of attitudes and views. Offenses are committed by them, mainly situationally, as a result of a motive that spontaneously arose against the background of the general orientation of the personality. to the fifth group includes adolescents with a stable complex of socially negative anomalous, immoral, primitive needs. Selfishness, indifference to the experiences of others, the desire for consumer pastime, aggressiveness are combined with deliberately committed offenses.

An essential question for criminologists is at what stage motivations begin to manifest themselves criminologically. significant deviations personality. And here the positions expressed by them are not always convincing. It is stated, for example, that there are no needs, motives and partially goals that are characteristic only of criminal behavior, just as there are no antisocial needs and motives (V.N. Kudryavtsev, V.V. Luneev), and authors who adhere to the opposite point of view are criticized on the basis that the social evaluation of a motive does not depend on its abstract content, but on the system of what social relations it is included in and what social relations it is opposed to. It is argued that needs, motives cannot be correctly assessed from the point of view of social usefulness or harmfulness, since the latter is revealed through the goal, the means of achieving it and the consequences that have occurred, through the attitude of the subject to social values ​​that he neglects, realizing his desire.

Indeed, the motive is socially neutral (although this approach is criticized), since both a crime and a noble deed can be committed by the same outwardly similar motive. Revenge on a neighbor for an insult, realized in inflicting bodily harm, is antisocial, and revenge on the enemy of the Motherland is sacred. But the motive, if understood as the basis of an act, cannot be neutral. Such a delusion arose among criminologists because they understand the motive too narrowly, not including in it exactly those elements that make a person's behavior antisocial, criminal: a means to achieve an end, foreseeing consequences, and an attitude towards social values. It is on the example of the motivation of criminal behavior that it is clearly seen how the understanding of the motive that exists in psychology hinders the understanding of the problem of behavior in general and causes unnecessary discussions.

Understanding the motive as the basis of an act (for what, for what) gives reason to talk about antisocial motives due to anti-social orientation

subject's intention. An anti-social intention becomes such, of course, in connection with social relations, the morality of society, which gives a moral assessment (and the legal authorities establish a legal assessment) of this or that act. It is not the needs in themselves that are criminal, and many goals taken separately, they are given a criminal connotation by other components of the motive associated with the “internal filter” block. And the main criminal "load" in it is borne by the component associated with moral control. It is the deformations and distortions of this component of the personality structure that lead to criminal behavior, and not self-interest, envy, revenge, discontent, resentment and anger, attributed by V. V. Luneev to the motives of crimes. There can be a long distance from the occurrence of these states to the intention to commit a crime. What is criminal is not the desire of a hungry person to get food, an angry person to answer the offender, but the antisocial and illegal ways in which they want to do this; therefore, both needs and external circumstances are “guilty” of the content of the crime only insofar as they facilitated the formation of the intention to satisfy need, but no more. If there were no need or a corresponding situation, there would be no crime, but with the same success the victim can be accused of committing a crime: if she had not appeared in this place and at this time, there would not have been this crime .

Thus, most of the components that form the structure of the motive for a crime (criminal act) are not criminal. However, since a person chooses criminal ways and means to satisfy a need and achieve a goal, the motive as a whole, like the idea, intention, acquires a criminal character.

Age features of the motivation of criminal behavior. VV Luneev (1986) cites data that show that the motives of criminal behavior in people of different ages differ significantly. Adolescents aged 14-16 are characterized by two types of criminal motivation: mercenary, the share of which reaches more than 50%, and violently selfish, the share of which is 40%. The intermediate form (selfish-violent) is most often performed when the self-affirmation motivation dominates.

Specific reasons for the criminal behavior of adolescents are: the desire to have fun, to show strength, courage, dexterity; to assert oneself in the eyes of peers, the desire for something special, for sweets, prestigious things. Therefore, three-quarters of adolescent crimes are situational-impulsive in nature.

The criminal behavior of 16-17-year-olds is similar in many aspects to that of adolescents. However, there are also differences. The number of crimes for mercenary motives is decreasing (up to 40%). Motivation, as it were, “grows up” and becomes more diverse. The motives for criminal behavior in people of this age are (in descending order of frequency of manifestation): self-interest, hooligan motives, obtaining funds for alcohol and drugs, revenge and anger, solidarity with others, mischief, to obtain funds for sweets, to show one's strength and courage, assert yourself in the eyes of others, etc.

The criminal motivation of young people aged 18-24 years is characterized by a greater connection not with a specific situation and the mental state of the subject, but with

personality orientation, its views. The proportion of forcibly selfish motives increases and the number of “childish” motives decreases (the desire to acquire authority from peers, imitation of others, wanted adventures, under duress). At the same time, the number of cases where the offender cannot clearly determine the motive for his act is increasing.

In mature growth, the proportion of violently selfish motivation decreases. In the first place comes selfish motivation, the motivation of profit, benefit, envy. The nature of violent-egoistic motivation is changing: hooligan motives give way to motives associated with anger, jealousy, revenge. The situation is playing less and less of a role.

12.5. MOTIVES OF ADDICTION BEHAVIOR

Under addictive behavior (addiction - addiction) understand the abuse of one or more chemicals, occurring against the background of an altered state of consciousness.

As is known, to bad habits include alcohol, drug use and smoking.

Motives for drinking. In more than a third of cases, the main motives for introducing adolescents and young men to alcohol are traditions and customs, the observance of which serves as a means of inclusion in the reference group. Teenagers and young men come to the company not to drink, but drink in order to be in the company. At the same time, in most cases, the motives for drinking alcohol are not yet fully understood by adolescents.

Motives for starting drug use. The main reason for starting drug use is called curiosity (in 50% of cases). Less frequently, interviewed drug addicts answer that they were seduced, and very rarely - that they wanted to get high or that they started using drugs because of fashion. Many fail to point true reason and therefore answer that they were offered.

In adults, the reason for using alcohol or drugs may be the desire to resolve the conflict, eliminate the tension between the desired goal and the means to achieve it (or rather, the lack of these means), that is, what sociology refers to as anomie. One of the functions of alcohol or drugs may be to temporarily "rescue" a person from the tension of everyday existence with its apparent or really insoluble conflicts. The thirst for such "freedom" leads to dependence on alcohol and drugs and can cause self-destructive behavior, take the form of a disease.

In a study by N. N. Tolstykh and S. A. Kulakov (1989) it was shown that early alcoholism and substance abuse lead to a change in the motivational sphere of young men aged 15-17. They have a narrower time horizon. The distribution of objects to meet their needs occurs in the "near future" (today, within a week, month) and in the "actual period" not exceeding 1-2 years (see Fig. 12.2).

Rice. 12.2. "Profile" time perspective. Vertical - the number of persons,%; horizontally - periods of life: BB - near future (day, week); AP - current period of life (1-2 years); OB - distant future, I - historical future; P - past; OH - “open present* (“now and always”); F - all life (sometime in life). Group I - young men with addictive behavior, Group II - control (high school students)

Rice. 12.3. Content characteristics of the motive -

rational sphere

Vertical - the number of persons,%; horizontally: S - motives associated with one's own personality, with "I"; FROM- motives associated with communication, social contacts; R - motives associated with specific actions, the motives of "implementation". Group I - young men with addictive behavior, Group II - control

Young men with addictive inclinations have a reduced need for communication, but an increased motive for personal autonomy, with their own personality, with the "I" (see Fig. 12.3).

The desire to recover from this disease (in particular - from alcohol dependence) is determined by many reasons. According to K. A. Yufereva, this is, first of all, a deterioration in well-being (in 83% of the examined) and memories of periods of sobriety (in 85%); then, in order of importance, are:
Motives for smoking teenagers and young men. According to V. A. Hudik (1993), students under 13 years of age call (in descending order of importance) simple pampering, curiosity, a desire to seem like an adult, and pleasant sensations as the reasons for introducing smoking. After 13 years, group pressure factors join these reasons: unwillingness to be a “black sheep”, influence of comrades, fear of rejection by smoking comrades, fashion, imitation of the ideal. The desire to lose weight is also indicated.

12.6. MOTIVES OF SUICIDAL BEHAVIOR

A. G. Ambrumova, L. I. Postovalova (1987) distinguish five leading motives for suicidal behavior.

1. Protest, revenge. This motive arises in individuals with high self-esteem, with an active or aggressive position, and is associated with the transformation of heteroaggression into autoaggression.

2. Intolerance to the threat, the desire to avoid it by self-elimination.

3. "Self-punishment" - as a protest within the personality when the "I" is split into a judge and a defendant.

4. "Refusal" (surrender) - in connection with the loss of the meaning of existence (for example, in connection with the loss loved one or in connection with an incurable serious illness).

5. Call. The meaning of this motive is to activate help from outside. The main motives for suicide are personal and family conflicts, which include divorce, death of loved ones, loneliness, unsuccessful love, insults from others, unemployment, alcoholism, poverty, etc.

The system of motives in suicidal behavior is always in tense Dynamics. There is a struggle between vital and anti-vital, destructive motives based on a pessimistic personal attitude, and the consequences of this struggle are unpredictable. The vital motive (sense of Duty to relatives, children) can win, then the development of suicidal behavior will stop or recede completely. And vice versa, some event can play the role of a Detonator and push to implement the plan to commit suicide.

Allocate internal suicidal behavior and external. The first, called presuicide, is associated with the formation of the motive for suicide and includes three stages:

a) passive suicidal thoughts, which are characterized by ideas, fantasies about their death, but not about taking their own life;

b) suicidal thoughts - an active form of manifestation of a tendency to suicide, the depth of which increases in parallel with the degree of development of the plan;

c) suicidal intentions - the idea develops into a decision and a volitional impulse, prompting a direct transition to external manifestations of intention.

There is also a distinction between the true intention to suicide, the purpose of which is the actual desire to take one's own life, and the demonstratively blackmailing one, the purpose of which is only a demonstration of this intention. Depending on this, different methods of suicide and attempt on life can be selected. Suicides include (in descending order of frequency) self-hanging, gunshot wounds, poisoning, and falling from a height. In suicidal attempts (demonstrations), poisoning, self-cutting and self-hanging are used.

Chapter 4. Structural analysis of motivation for deviant behavior.

In the course of the conducted sociological survey, we tried to identify the features of the adolescent's behavioral activity regarding smoking, alcohol and drug use. An analysis of the data obtained allows us to identify one general trend for all the types of deviations we are considering, which is that at the turn of the 9th grade, the number of students who smoke, as well as those who systematically use alcohol and drugs, increases sharply (see Figure 4.1).

Figure 4.2. Placement of boys and girls in the space of factors F1 ("social orientation - orientation to subjective experiences") and F2 ("protest behavior - pleasure")

As can be seen from the data presented in the figure, the F1 factor clearly differentiates boys and girls who drink alcohol from those who smoke and use drugs. Moreover, the use of alcohol, based on the interpretation of this factor, is associated with the type of behavior that is focused on the external locus of control. In other words, the very fact of drinking alcohol is associated with the desire to improve one's own social status. In addition, it is worth noting that alcohol consumption among boys who are located in quadrant I has a more complex motivation than among girls. Here, along with the desire to improve one's status, the motivation associated with protest forms of behavior is also actualized (positive values ​​along the axis of factor F2). This allows us to draw a conclusion about a very peculiar ambivalent experience of the social norm in young men who drink alcohol. On the one hand, this is an orientation towards the norm (adulthood, prestige), and on the other hand, overcoming it (“because they forbid me”, “so that they don’t think that I am “weak”).

A fundamentally different set of motives determines such a form of behavior as drug use. As we can see, young men and women who use drugs are located in quadrant III, which is characterized, on the one hand, by an escape from reality, an orientation towards subjective experiences, an “internal locus of control” (negative values ​​along the axis of factor F1), and on the other hand, desire for pleasure (negative pole of factor F2). In other words, if alcohol consumption in teenage subculture is predominantly socially oriented behavior, then drug use does not contain motivation as a dominant that determines the manifestation of socially symbolic behavior. Here, on the contrary, the significance of own emotional states(both positive and negative) and “avoidance of reality”.

And finally, the structure of motivation, which is characteristic of smoking, turns out to be very peculiar. Here, boys and girls are located in quadrant II, which, on the one hand, characterizes the motives of behavior inherent in the internal locus of control (“desire to relieve stress”, “avoidance of reality”), and on the other hand, smoking is also conditioned by the motivation that determines this form of behavior. as a "protest", a manifestation of the desire to assert itself. Note that it is for smoking that this type of motivation is the most pronounced, in comparison with the use of alcohol and drugs.

Age dynamics of changes in the motivation of deviant behavior. This aspect is important because, as we noted above, there is a very characteristic age-related dynamics in schoolchildren's involvement in smoking, alcohol and drug use. At the same time, we recorded a special shift that occurs at the turn of the 9th grade, when the number of students prone to these types of deviation sharply increases. In this regard, it can be assumed that during adolescence, the nature of the motivation that determines deviant forms of behavior also changes significantly. Therefore, the next step in our analysis is an attempt to consider changes in the structural features of motivation for deviant behavior in the age aspect. Since the data obtained on the intensity of smoking, alcohol and drug use significantly differentiate boys and girls, it makes sense to carry out a structural analysis of the age-related dynamics of changes in motivation, taking into account gender differences. In our opinion, gender differentiation is also necessary due to the fact that the motives that fix the social orientation of deviant forms of behavior (deviation as social symbolism) can manifest themselves in different ways in the subcultures of boys and girls.

In order to identify age-related features of structural changes in motivation that cause various forms of deviant behavior among boys and girls, we conducted a special factor analysis. To do this, two matrices of initial data were formed (separately for boys and girls) with a dimension of 10x9, where motives were recorded in the rows (“I feel pleasure”, “I got involved, I can’t quit”, etc.), and the columns recorded the answers of students 7 -x, 9th, 11th grades, prone to the manifestation of various forms of deviant behavior (smoking, drinking alcohol, using drugs). The cell of the matrix (the intersection of a column and a row) fixes the percentage of choosing the appropriate motivation among students of a certain gender and age who are prone to displaying one form or another of deviant behavior. Both matrices of initial data were subjected to the procedure of factor analysis by the method of principal components, followed by rotation according to the Kaiser's "Varimax" criterion. As a result, both boys and girls were identified by four factors, describing respectively 94.5% and 94.7% of the total total variance. Consider the results of factor analysis separately for boys and girls.

Characterizing the structure of the identified factors in boys, it should be noted that two of the proposed motives here are independent and do not correlate with the rest of the motives. One of them (factor F2 - 19.1% of the total variance) fixes the “dependence”: “I got involved, I can’t quit.” This type of motivation is characteristic of smokers and is clearly manifested already in seventh grade boys. Values ​​along its axis in smokers: in the 7th grade - 0.8; in the 9th - 1.0; in the 11th - 1.8. Among adolescents who use alcohol or drugs, the significance of this motive has not been revealed. In other words, the motivation of "dependence" when justifying deviant behavior is clearly manifested only in the case of smoking.

Another motive, which does not correlate with the others and stands out as an independent factor (factor F4 - 5.9% of the total variance), characterizes the desire for personal self-assertion within one's microsocial environment: "I don't want to be thought that I am "weak"". The highest values ​​along the axis of this factor are typical for smoking boys of the 7th and 9th grades, and for boys of the 9th and 11th grades who drink alcohol. Analyzing the features of placement along the axis of this factor, a number of points should be noted. Thus, among smokers, the importance of this type of motivation grows from the 7th to the 9th grade, but it turns out to be almost insignificant in the 11th grade. The dynamics of the actualization of this motive among schoolchildren who drink alcohol is somewhat different: among seventh graders this type of motivation does not yet manifest itself, but the peak of its significance is found in the 9th grade and then sharply decreases by the 11th grade. Among schoolchildren who use drugs, this type of motivation is not relevant at all.

Thus, the obtained materials show that the desire for personal self-affirmation in the immediate social environment acts as a significant motive that determines the tendency to such two forms of deviant behavior as smoking and drinking alcohol. Moreover, the peak of the actualization of this motive falls on the 9th grade, and, apparently, in terms of content, it is the actualization of this motive that characterizes the originality teen crisis that unfolds during this period. The actualization of this motive, in turn, largely determines the transformations of the teenage subculture that we noted above when discussing the sharp increase in the number of schoolchildren prone to smoking and drinking alcohol at the turn of the 9th grade. In other words, the appeal to deviant forms of behavior (smoking, drinking alcohol) is due to the adolescent's desire for personal self-affirmation in the immediate microsocial environment of peers, and such self-affirmation should be considered as a significant component of the motivational structure, most clearly actualized during the period of experiencing an adolescent crisis.

Along with the two unipolar factors described above, two bipolar factors were also identified, which characterize the peculiarity of the relationships of various types of motives that determine the tendency to deviant forms of behavior.

FactorF1 (55,9%) "orientation to subjective experiences - socially oriented behavior" has the following structure:

I enjoy it.79

It helps me escape reality.73

Facilitates my communication with peers -.97

Because I'm banned -.92

Makes me look older than my age -.91

In my opinion, it is prestigious -.88

The positive pole of this factor fixes the connection between the desire to receive positive emotional experiences and the escape from reality. This is an orientation towards inner experiences (“internal locus of control”). The opposite negative pole, on the contrary, reveals the correlation of various motives that characterize the significance of the social environment for a teenager. Moreover, motives associated with an increase in social and age status, prestige are combined here, with motives that determine both protest forms of behavior and the importance of communication with peers. In itself, such a complex of motives is quite interesting, since it characterizes the peculiarity of such deviant behavior, when raising one's social status involves the expression of a protest form of behavior regarding prohibitions on the part of adults, and at the same time it is focused on overcoming barriers in interpersonal communication with peers. Thus, in general, this factor sets the opposition between motivation aimed at obtaining positive emotional states (“internal locus of control”) and motives that determine socially symbolic behavior (“external locus of control”).

Another bipolar factorF3 (13,6%) "stress relief - following the group" has the following structure:

It helps me relieve stress.69

My friends do it -.94

This factor sets the opposition between the desire to relieve negative emotional experiences (stress) and the orientation towards maintaining interaction in the microsocial environment, following group norms.

To clarify the meaning of the identified bipolar factors, one should refer to the peculiarities of the placement in their space of young men of the 7th, 9th and 11th grades who are prone to various forms of deviant behavior: smoking, drinking alcohol and drugs (see Figure 4.3).

Rice. 4.3. Placement of young men of the 7th, 9th, 11th grades, who have a tendency to smoke, use alcohol and drugs, in the space of factors F1 (“orientation to subjective experiences (avoidance of reality) - socially oriented behavior”) and F3 (“ removal of negative emotional experiences - orientation to the microsocial environment, following the group").

As we can see, factor F1 clearly differentiates the motivation of young men who drink alcohol from the motivation of those who smoke and use drugs. If smokers and drug users tend to be oriented toward positive emotional experiences and escape from reality, then boys' alcohol use is due to a pronounced social orientation. It is the use of alcohol by adolescents that has a socio-symbolic character: both the desire to look older, and the desire to increase one's prestige, and the expression of protest by adults, and the facilitation of communication with peers. This, we repeat, is a peculiar form of raising one's status as a protest reaction to the prohibitions of adults, which, in turn, facilitates acceptance among peers. In other words, "self-affirmation".

The age dynamics of the placement of adolescents prone to various types of deviation is fixed along the axis of the factor F3. Here we should pay attention to the similarity of trends among smokers and drinkers. So, if among seventh-graders who are prone to smoking and drinking alcohol, the motive “My friends use alcohol” is clearly significant, then at the turn of the 9th grade it is already insignificant, and here another motive is actualized - “Helps relieve stress, tension”. When interpreting this age-related dynamics of changes in motivation, as an analogy, we turn to ideas about the development of higher mental functions. In this case, the position on the transition of interpsychic interaction to intra- is important for us. Indeed, the motive "My friends use" suggests that such a deviant form as smoking and drinking in the initial stages (7th grade) is interpsychic in nature (maintaining social interaction). At an older age (9th, 11th grade), such forms of deviation (smoking, drinking alcohol) turn out to be "means" of internal emotional self-regulation - "Helps relieve stress." In other words, they already have an intrapsychic form (they become means of self-regulation). We emphasize once again that here we use the idea of ​​the transition of interpsychic activity into intra - (the idea of ​​mediation), of course, only as an analogy. However, if we consider deviant behavior as any other type of "cultural behavior" that has its own stages of development in ontogeny, then such an analogy seems to be quite legitimate. Indeed, at earlier stages of smoking and alcohol consumption, the motivation associated with maintaining interaction with others dominates; at an older age (at the turn of the age crisis, characteristic of the 9th grade), it is replaced by the motivation to use smoking and drinking alcohol as a means of removing one's own negative emotional states.

Continuing this line of analysis, it is worth noting that with regard to drug use, a similar shift - "transition of inter - to intra -" - occurs at a later age stage - between the 9th and 11th grades. It can be assumed that this is due to a more severe taboo of drug use in modern culture, when teenagers generally begin to indulge in drugs at a later age compared to smoking and drinking alcohol.

At girls the results of factor analysis are different. Despite a certain similarity in the correlations between individual motives, the fundamental structural difference from young men here is that, firstly, there are no bipolar factors and, secondly, individual factors are predominantly associated with a certain type of deviant behavior.

For example, the most powerful factor F1 (47.6%) structurally combines the following motives:

In my opinion, this is prestigious.93

Makes me look older than my age.87

Facilitates my communication with peers.86

Because I'm forbidden.77

Note that this factor in its content completely coincides with the negative pole of the first factor (F1) in the subsample of young men. Moreover, as in boys, this factor characterizes the motivation for alcohol consumption. And in this regard, we can assume that the results of boys and girls are the same. However, due to the fact that girls, we repeat, the selected factor is unipolar, this gives grounds for the conclusion that in the subculture of teenage girls, in contrast to the subculture of boys, there is no clearly expressed opposition to alcohol consumption to such forms of deviant behavior as smoking and drinking alcohol. drugs. If in the subculture of adolescent boys various forms of deviation are opposed to each other by their motivation, which determines the tendency to implement the corresponding deviant behavior, then in the subculture of girls the forms of deviant behavior themselves, although they are distinguished by the same motives, however, they are not opposed to each other and exist as independent lines of deviant behavior.

This conclusion is supported by other factors. Indeed, the second factor F2 (25.8%), which can be designated as the fixation of “addiction”, since it includes in its structure such motivations as “I got involved, I can’t quit” (0.97), “Helps me relieve stress” (0.96), and concerns only such form of deviant behavior as smoking.

The third factor F3 (14.1%), which includes the motives "getting pleasure" (0.79) and "avoidance of reality" (0.73), is associated exclusively with drug use.

Thus, the three most powerful motivational factors identified in the subsample of girls determine different lines of deviant behavior: F1 - alcohol consumption, F2 - smoking, F3 - drug use. The difference from the results of young men is quite significant. And the point here is not only that various lines of deviant behavior (smoking, drinking alcohol and drugs) in the female subculture are fixed as independent (which correspond to a certain type of motivation), but also that, in fact, on a subarray of girls in due to the absence of bipolar factors, we cannot reveal the age-related logic of the development of deviant behavior associated with the transition of interrelations into intra-relations, which was clearly manifested in the analysis of the results of young men.

At the same time, the manifestation of a certain age logic of the development of deviant behavior in girls is found in the analysis of the last, fourth factor. This factor F4 (7.3%) includes the motives "I don't want to be thought that I'm weak" (0.95) and "That's what my friends do" (0.93). Both motifs fix the significance of the microsocial environment of peers as a motivating factor in adolescent behavior. Thus, it is the adolescent environment in this case that stands out as an independent motivational factor.

Turning to the results of placement along the axis of this factor, it should be noted that the highest values ​​here are for girls who smoke. From this we can conclude that more early stages adolescence (in the 7th grade), the peer environment influences the introduction of girls to smoking (they imitate their friends or want to prove to their peers that they are “not weak”), and at an older age (in the 9th grade) the same motives turn out to be significant, but already when drinking alcohol (for smoking at this age, such motives are no longer significant). In other words, the age logic of the actualization of the motivating influence of the microenvironment of peers on the deviant behavior of girls in a certain sense coincides with the social scale that normalizes the degree of deviation (alcohol consumption is a stronger deviation from the norm than smoking, and the influence of the peer environment here manifests itself later).

In general, the analysis shows that a sharp increase in the number of adolescents at the turn of the 9th grade who are prone to such forms of deviation as smoking, alcohol and drug use also coincides with significant changes in subjective motivation, which determines the tendency to these forms of behavior. This allows us to draw a general conclusion about the peculiar transformation of the teenage subculture, when deviant forms of behavior begin to act as a form of resolving internal motivational conflicts characteristic of adolescence.

The materials we have obtained show that with regard to different types of deviation, the picture is more complex and contradictory than is usually described in most psychological and pedagogical works and works on developmental psychology. Most often, deviation is considered as a perverted form of manifestation of the desire to be an adult. A teenager “tryes on” adult forms of behavior and chooses as ideal forms of adulthood precisely those deviant forms of behavior that culturally fix the boundary between an adult and a child (what is allowed for an adult is unacceptable for a child). And here we recall that we have already drawn attention to the connection between the act of passing age initiation and turning to deviant forms of behavior: Nikolenka, having passed the entrance exams to the university, not only receives four white pieces of paper, a bay Handsome and a cab, but also goes to buy tobacco for himself , and in the evening he drinks with friends of his older brother Volodya. As we can see, more than a century ago, the image of adulthood in a teenage boy was clearly associated with forms of behavior that were subject to a certain age-related taboo. This moment is quite stable and culturally invariant, at least for such behaviors as smoking and drinking in boys. However, as the materials of our study showed, the picture of turning to deviation is more complex. Here we are faced not only with various types of motivational conditioning of smoking, alcohol and drug use, but also with the special role of the significance of such behavior in the formation of self-regulation mechanisms. And in this regard, of particular interest is the further analysis of deviant forms of behavior in the logic of ideas about the transition of interpsychic interactions into intrapsychic processes.

In our opinion, the data presented in the chapter quite clearly show that in relation to different types of deviation (smoking, alcohol consumption, drug use), different psychological and pedagogical educational strategies should be worked out, taking into account different motivational dominants that are characteristic of each type of deviation. Speaking about the actual pedagogical programs, it is also important to emphasize the need for a special type of research, where the emphasis is on the study of those adolescents who are not subject to deviant forms of behavior: their motivation for refusing to start smoking, drinking alcohol, and taking drugs; revealing the features of the situation of their interaction with peers and adults.

The paper analyzes the features of the motivation of deviant behavior, which is typical for adolescence, and for a significant part of adolescents is associated with experimentation and the choice of inadequate ways of self-affirmation in the process of growing up. It is shown that personal characteristics and attitudes towards norms and values ​​that prevent manifestations of deviant behavior are formed in the process of socialization. Substance use and risky sexual behavior are the most common types of deviant behavior among adolescents. The study of the motives of deviant behavior allows us to understand what psychological meaning certain types of behavior are filled with for adolescents. How teenagers explain their actions and deeds, what reasons determine deviant behavior in general and its individual types.

deviant behavior

teenagers

motivation

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Introduction

Despite a long history of research and implementation of preventive programs in the field of prevention of risky behavior of adolescents in the field of health, the level of deviant behavior among adolescents remains quite high, which makes further research in this area relevant. Motivation is one of the most important internal factors that, along with personal characteristics and the situation, influences behavior.

Traditionally, motivation is defined as the mental "power" that underlies the direction, intensity, and persistence of behavior. When laying the foundations of modern concepts of motivation, the works of A. Maslow, F. Herzberg, D. McClelland were of great importance.

AT domestic psychology these are the works of L.S. Vygotsky, A.N. Leontiev, S.L. Rubinstein, A.R. Luria, D.N. Uznadze, D.B. Elkonina, L.I. Bozovic. Research in the field of motivation includes the study of the structure of the motivational sphere, the relationship of motives with needs, goals, and attitudes.

In the field of studying motivation, a large number of studies have been carried out, of which few works are devoted to the motivation of deviant behavior of adolescents, as a rule, related to the study of the motivation of certain types of problematic behavior. An analytical review of the literature presented in this paper was carried out in order to highlight the most significant aspects in personal development and in the process of socialization that influence the formation of the motivational sphere of adolescents.

Motivational aspects of deviant behavior of adolescents

Adolescent deviant behavior can be viewed on the continuum normal behavior - risk behavior - deviant behavior - delinquent behavior. Causes of deviant behavior are considered (21) clinical aspects that manifest themselves in childhood developmental disorders (eg, mental retardation or autistic disorder), or social aspects that manifest themselves in impaired behavior (eg, disturbances in attention, activity and social behavior) . Developmental disorders and behavioral disorders usually overlap with each other.

Deviant behavior is an act, an action of a person (a group of persons) that does not correspond to officially established or actually established in a given society (culture, subculture, group) norms and expectations (9). A large number of studies are devoted to the study of the manifestations of various types of deviant behavior in adolescence. This is due to the fact that adolescence is a period of personality formation associated with experimentation, the desire to try everything. Part of this developmental process involves a willingness to engage in risky behavior, whether it be extreme views sports, unprotected sex, or substance use.

According to S. Hall (1904) (on:16), the period of adolescence is associated with the concept of "storm and stress" and most adequately reflects the confusion inherent in inner world teenager. This is the idea of ​​an unbridgeable gap between the potential of adolescence and its real opportunities in society. In the middle of the 20th century, two main themes dominated the field of constructing concepts that explain the characteristics of adolescence. One of the approaches focused on the gap between the onset of sexual and social maturity of a teenager. Another approach is related to the study of the influence of a peer group on the choice of behavior patterns. Research has shown that family and peers can be alternative reference sources for selecting behaviors. At the same time, deviant adolescents are characterized by the special significance of the peer group in determining their views and behavior.

According to (1), adolescent smokers are one and a half times more likely than non-smokers to seek help and support from friends in difficult life situations. Research (2) also showed that while non-substance dependent adolescents tend to seek family support first, addicts turn to friends and a significant other.

From the point of view of motivational theories of "expectation - significance", motivation for action consists in the desire and intention to carry out or avoid a certain event or state, since it has a positive or negative significance.

Behavioral reinforcement systems have been associated with behavioral and emotional problems: reward sensitivity was a risk factor for external problems (behavior problems and hyperactivity), and punishment sensitivity was a risk factor for internal problems (emotional symptoms and peer problems) (18).

The connection between needs and motivation has been shown in studies on the type of behavior called “searching for new sensations”. This type of behavior has been shown to be associated with a propensity for socially risky behavior, in particular, drug use (12, 13).

One of the important aspects of risk behavior is the desire or intention to immediately satisfy human desires. Accordingly, the ability to voluntarily delay rewards is seen as the opposite of impulsiveness (5).

According to the research results of L.I. Bozovic (6), in younger children school age one can observe the presence of a conflict between simultaneously existing multidirectional motivational tendencies. At the same time, the child himself does not consciously participate in the regulation of this struggle, does not organize his motivational tendencies. In older children, an arbitrary organization of behavior is already observed. The development of the structure of the motivational sphere is characterized by a change in the dominant motives in terms of content, an increase in the role of mediated needs and their increasing hierarchization. The assimilation of moral norms is carried out in the activity of the child through their awareness, acceptance, experience, the acquisition of personal meanings for the child himself. Yu. B. Gippenreiter (11) moral development considers it as the formation and development of positive personality traits. The child is guided by the pattern of adult behavior, these patterns become internal regulators (motives) of behavior. The motivational structure in its most developed form involves the assimilation of certain moral values. Socially significant motives are considered as a sign of a mature personality.

Motivation is associated with the values ​​and norms of society, which are acquired by the individual in the process of socialization. Socialization is the process of mastering the rules of behavior and acquiring a system of ideas and attitudes that allow a person to function effectively as a member of society. At the heart of the formation of a social being is the establishment of relationships with other people. Attachment is a specific long-term bond formed between two people, it is a normative developmental phenomenon that occurs in almost all children. According to the author of the theory of attachment J. Bowlby (7), a necessary condition for maintaining the mental health of children in early childhood is the presence of an emotionally warm, close, stable and long-term relationship with the mother (or a person constantly replacing her). Attachment and behavioral reactions associated with it are formed in the first year of life and are characteristic of a person throughout life. During adolescence and adulthood, there is a change in the experience of attachment, including a change in the circle of people to whom attachment behavior is addressed. Ainsworth et al. (1978) (on: 20) identified three main types of attachment relationships: secure, avoidant, and ambivalent. Research has shown the benefits of secure attachment in shaping the values ​​of patriotism, as well as the benefits of secure attachment in adapting to traumatic circumstances.

According to studies (20), the majority of adolescents, especially boys, are involved to a greater or lesser extent in petty crimes. The results of socio-psychological research suggest that delinquency is used strategically, especially by boys, to build a reputation among their peer group. Delinquent reputation can be seen as an alternative path of acceptance and prestige other than "academic". A study of a normal population of adolescents found that many delinquent behaviors, including drug use, theft, aggression, vandalism, and civil wrongdoing, were almost invariably performed in the presence of others. Group orientation was especially characteristic of more serious offenses, such as vandalism rather than absenteeism. Girls were more likely to commit crimes in groups. With the opportunity to succeed at work after graduation, and later in stable sexual and family relationships involvement in delinquency decreases and ceases to impress significant others.

According to K. Bartol (4), a group of incorrigible criminals is distinguished, in whom behavioral disorders are observed before the age of 10, and a group of offenders in youth, in whom behavioral disorders begin in adolescence, after 10 years and usually stop by the age of 18. One of the characteristic features that distinguish the behavior of most chronic offenders is attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Peers often reject such children because they cause irritation and hostility. Adolescents of the group of delinquents in their youth prefer to commit such crimes that symbolize accession to the privileges of adults and allow them to demonstrate independence from parental control. Examples include vandalism, drug and alcohol crimes, theft and status offenses such as running away from home or skipping school.

When comparing students in grades 3, 6, 8, and 11 (29), it turned out that with age, an increasing number of children are ready to follow their comrades in unseemly deeds. As the influence of peers increased, the positive assessments of fathers decreased. However, those guys who maintained a positive opinion of their fathers and adults in general were not inclined to follow the bad example of their peers.

In control theory, control refers to the deterrents that an individual has in the form of internalized norms, as well as the controlling influence and authority of social institutions. There are internal and external mechanisms of social control, the action of which is opposed negative manifestations deviant behaviour. External control is carried out by various social institutions, organizations (family, school, health care, police, etc.). Internal control is based on internalized values ​​and norms and is associated with the development of processes of self-regulation of behavior.

553 teenagers (11-18 years old) took part in the study of value orientations and behavioral risks (22). Groups of adolescents with normative behavior, adolescents at risk and deviant adolescents were identified. The data obtained as a result of the study allow us to draw some conclusions regarding the value system of modern adolescents and their perception of surrounding reality. For normative adolescents, the first three places in the ranking of values ​​are occupied by well-being, family, and authority. Deviant teenagers have a family, freedom, well-being. The leading position in the ranking of the values ​​of modern teenagers is occupied by the family: whether it is a significant relationship with parents, love or the creation of one's own family. Deviant adolescents have a reduced need for cognition and a pronounced desire for “freedom” as “freedom from” (often in an illegal way). One of the results of the study was that more than a third of the respondents were unable to complete sentences about desires and goals, which indicates that the value system of modern adolescents is not fully clarified and reflected.

Studies of the motivation of certain types of deviant behavior of adolescents are presented in the literature by works in the field of addictive behavior, risky sexual behavior, vandalism, running away from home, theft, excessive deceit, and aggressive behavior.

The most common types of deviant behavior among adolescents are substance use and risky sexual behavior.

An analysis of the motivation for the use of psychoactive substances by adolescents made it possible to identify the following main types of motives. This is the desire to relieve neuropsychic stress, that is, the use as a reaction to overcome stressful experiences (14, 19). These are hedonistic motives associated with the emotions induced by the use of substances and the search for new sensations (19, 3). These are motives associated with conformism, self-affirmation (3, 13). These are the motives associated with the expression of protest (13, 23).

A protective factor in relation to the use of psychoactive substances is the presence of social attitudes regarding health and law-abiding behavior (13, 26).

The motivation of adolescents' sexual behavior is largely determined by their sharing of liberal-conservative values, which reflect their attitude to such aspects of sexual life as an early start, sexual relations before marriage, monogamy-polygamy, and the use of contraceptives. Normative ideas of adolescents about sexual relations are presented in the work of V.S. Sobkin, E.V. Baranov (24). Among the motives for engaging in sexual relations among young people, emotional-communicative (love, desire for emotional contact) and hedonistic-entertainment (desire for pleasure) motives are singled out (17). In addition, since sexuality is something forbidden and risky for a teenager, those who love risk and self-examination and need self-affirmation are the first to get involved in it (17, 15). Earlier onset of sexual activity is statistically associated with various forms of deviant behavior, smoking, alcoholism and drug addiction (10).

Results and discussion

Thus, we can talk about deviant behavior that is characteristic of adolescence, and for a significant part of adolescents associated with experimentation and the choice of inadequate ways of self-affirmation in the process of growing up. Personal characteristics and attitudes towards norms and values ​​that prevent manifestations of deviant behavior are formed in the process of socialization. In adolescence, family and peers can be alternative reference sources for choosing behavior patterns. At the same time, deviant adolescents are characterized by the special significance of the peer group in determining their behavior. Substance use and risky sexual behavior are the most common types of deviant behavior, often coexist and pose a threat to the health of adolescents. The study of the motives of deviant behavior allows us to understand what psychological meaning certain types of behavior are filled with for adolescents. How teenagers explain their actions and deeds, what reasons determine deviant behavior in general and its individual types. Knowing and taking into account the peculiarities of the motivation of deviant behavior of adolescents can be used in planning preventive programs in the field of health and prevention of illegal behavior.

The article was prepared within the framework of the project "Prediction of deviant and delinquent activity of adolescents on the basis of a specially developed diagnostic technique" implemented at the Faculty of Psychology of the St. state university NIR 8.39.1064.2012 in the period from 06/05/2012 to 12/31/2013

Reviewers:

Gurvich I.N., Doctor of Psychology, Professor of the Department of Social Psychology, Faculty of Psychology, St. Petersburg State University, St. Petersburg.

Khrustaleva N.S., Doctor of Psychology, Professor, Head. Department of Crisis and Extreme Situations, Faculty of Psychology, St. Petersburg State University, St. Petersburg.

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