I will never come to terms with this "holiday", because it is a direct mockery of the historical consciousness of our people for the following reasons:

1. It creates a false impression that until February 23, 1918, it was a little tight in Russia with the defenders of the Fatherland.

2. Distorts the historical truth about the events of the Bolshevik-German conflict of early 1918 and the shameful drape of "comrades" who, in order to "save the Fatherland", needed the conclusion of the "obscene" Brest Peace on March 3, which almost halved this same Fatherland in size.

In the article “A Hard But Necessary Lesson” published in Pravda on February 25, Lenin described the situation of those days as follows: “Painfully shameful reports about the refusal of the regiments to maintain positions, about the refusal to defend even the Narva line, about the failure to comply with the order to destroy everything and everything when retreating; we are not talking about flight, chaos, handlessness, helplessness, slovenliness (...) There is no army in the Soviet Republic.

There were separate skirmishes with the Germans, but on February 23 nothing particularly heroic happened at the front, which confirms the decision of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, adopted on January 18, 1923: "On February 23, 1923, the Red Army will celebrate the 5th anniversary of its existence. On this day , five years ago, the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of January 28 of the same year was published, which laid the foundation for the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army, the stronghold of the proletarian dictatorship.

As you can see, there is no mention of "battles near Pskov and Narva." Dry protocol date-anniversary.

It was not until 1938 that Izvestia, in its issue of February 16, published extensive material under the heading "To the 20th Anniversary of the Red Army and the Navy. Theses for propagandists," which states for the first time: "A decisive rebuff was given to the German invaders near Narva and Pskov. Their advance on revolutionary Petrograd was suspended. The day of rebuffing the troops of German imperialism became the day of the anniversary of the young Red Army." But everyone knows how Stalin's propagandists treated history.

In 1951, the last interpretation of the holiday appeared. Main edition of "History civil war in the USSR" pointed out that in 1919 the first anniversary of the Red Army was celebrated "on the memorable day of the mobilization of workers to defend the socialist Fatherland, the mass entry of workers into the Red Army, the broad formation of the first detachments and units of the new army."

When discussing the law "On the Days of Military Glory of Russia" in 1995, legislators in the name of the day of military glory of Russia on February 23 used the interpretation of this holiday, which belongs to I.V. Kaiser troops of Germany (1918)". In 2003, the State Duma Defense Committee decided to amend the Law on the Days of Military Glory, making February 23 only the Day of Defender of the Fatherland, but not the Day of Military Glory.

And this is in a country that has a commission to counter the falsification of history!

3. The proletarians were not supposed to have any Fatherland at that time: "the proletariat has no Fatherland" ("Communist Manifesto").

4. The date of February 23 is just a week postponed Red Gift Day (something like a charity event to raise funds for gifts to the Red Army) on February 17, which fell on a Monday in 1919 (February 23 that year was Sunday). The Pravda newspaper reported on its postponement: "The organization of the Red Gift Day throughout Russia has been postponed to February 23. On this day, the celebration of the anniversary of the creation of the Red Army, which is celebrated on January 28, will be organized in cities and at the front."

Finally, turned into "Men's Day" in everyday perception, this pseudo-holiday usually excludes from the number of honored hundreds of thousands, millions of our women - the heroic defenders of the Fatherland (veterans, army and navy servicemen with a military rank, etc.), who are very rarely are honored on this day with a mention and
congratulations.

I am in favor of looking for another, more glorious and less ideological date for this, probably really necessary holiday. And do not turn it into a male counterpart on March 8.

To all defenders of the Fatherland, men and women, glory, glory, glory!

It originated in the USSR, then February 23 was annually celebrated as a national holiday - the Day of the Soviet Army and Navy.

Document establishing February 23 as the official soviet holiday, did not exist. Soviet historiography associated the coincidence of honoring the military to this date with the events of 1918: on January 28 (15, old style) January 1918, the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), headed by Chairman Vladimir Lenin, adopted a Decree on the organization of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army (RKKA), and February 11 (January 29, old style) - Workers 'and Peasants' Red Fleet (RKKF).

On February 22, the decree-appeal of the Council of People's Commissars "The Socialist Fatherland is in Danger!" was published, and on February 23, mass rallies were held in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg), Moscow and other cities of the country, at which workers were urged to defend their Fatherland from the advancing German troops . This day was marked by the mass entry of volunteers into the Red Army and the beginning of the formation of its detachments and units.

On January 10, 1919, the chairman of the Higher Military Inspectorate of the Red Army, Nikolai Podvoisky, sent a proposal to the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) to celebrate the anniversary of the creation of the Red Army, timing the celebration to the nearest Sunday before or after January 28. However, due to the late submission of the application, no decision was made.

Then the Moscow Soviet took the initiative to celebrate the first anniversary of the Red Army. On January 24, 1919, the presidium, which at that time was headed by Lev Kamenev, decided to coincide with these celebrations on the day of the Red Gift, held to collect material and Money for the Red Army.

Under the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Central Committee was created to organize the celebration of the anniversary of the Red Army and the Red Gift Day, which scheduled the celebrations for Sunday, February 23. On February 5, Pravda and other newspapers published the following information: "The organization of the Red Gift Day throughout Russia has been postponed to February 23. On this day, the celebration of the anniversary of the creation of the Red Army, which will be celebrated on January 28, will be organized in cities and at the front."

On February 23, 1919, the citizens of Russia celebrated the anniversary of the Red Army for the first time, but this day was not celebrated either in 1920 or in 1921.

On January 27, 1922, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee published a resolution on the fourth anniversary of the Red Army, which stated: "In accordance with the resolution of the IX All-Russian Congress of Soviets on the Red Army, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee draws the attention of the executive committees to the upcoming anniversary of the creation of the Red Army (February 23)."

The Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, Lev Trotsky, arranged a military parade on Red Square that day, thus laying the foundation for the tradition of an annual nationwide celebration.

In 1923, the fifth anniversary of the Red Army was widely celebrated. The decision of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, adopted on January 18, 1923, stated: "On February 23, 1923, the Red Army will celebrate the 5th anniversary of its existence. On this day, five years ago, the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of January 28 of the same the year that laid the foundation for the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, the stronghold of the proletarian dictatorship."

The tenth anniversary of the Red Army in 1928, like all previous ones, was celebrated as the anniversary of the decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the organization of the Red Army of January 28, 1918, but the very date of publication was directly linked to February 23.

In 1938, in the "Short Course on the History of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks" a fundamentally new version of the origin of the date of the holiday was presented, not related to the decree of the Council of People's Commissars. The book stated that in 1918 near Narva and Pskov "the German occupiers were given a decisive rebuff. Their advance on Petrograd was suspended. The day of the rebuff to the troops of German imperialism - February 23, became the birthday of the young Red Army."

Later, in the order of the People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR dated February 23, 1942, the wording was slightly changed: "The young detachments of the Red Army, who entered the war for the first time, utterly defeated the German invaders near Pskov and Narva on February 23, 1918. That is why February 23 was declared the day birth of the Red Army.

In 1951, another interpretation of the holiday appeared. In the "History of the Civil War in the USSR" it was indicated that in 1919 the first anniversary of the Red Army was celebrated "on the memorable day of the mobilization of workers to defend the socialist Fatherland, the mass entry of workers into the Red Army, the broad formation of the first detachments and units of the new army."

In the Federal Law of March 13, 1995 "On the Days of Military Glory of Russia", the day of February 23 was officially called "The Day of the Red Army's victory over the Kaiser troops of Germany (1918) - the Day of Defenders of the Fatherland."

In accordance with the changes made to the Federal Law "On the Days of Military Glory of Russia" by the Federal Law of April 15, 2006, the words "Day of the victory of the Red Army over the Kaiser troops of Germany (1918)" were excluded from the official description of the holiday, and also stated in the singular concept of "defender".

In December 2001, the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation supported the proposal to make February 23 - Defender of the Fatherland Day - a non-working holiday.

February 23, due to established traditions, has become a state national holiday dedicated to all generations of defenders of the Fatherland. Throughout their centuries-old history, Russians have selflessly defended the sovereignty and independence, and sometimes the right to exist, of the Russian state in numerous wars.

Soldiers of the army and navy modern Russia responsibly fulfill their military duty, reliably ensuring the protection of national interests and the military security of the country.

On Defender of the Fatherland Day, Russians honor those who served or are serving in the ranks of the country's Armed Forces. But most Russian citizens tend to consider Defender of the Fatherland Day as the Day of real men, defenders in the broadest sense of the word.

On this day, a festive artillery salute is held in the hero cities of Moscow, St. Petersburg, Volgograd, Novorossiysk, Tula, Sevastopol, Smolensk and Murmansk, as well as in cities where the headquarters of military districts, fleets, combined arms armies and the Caspian Flotilla are deployed.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from RIA Novosti and open sources

February 23, Defender of the Fatherland Day, which has become a truly popular men's day not only in Russia, but also on the ruins of the once powerful USSR. It is also celebrated in Ukraine, Belarus, Transnistria and Kazakhstan.

How did this red date appear on our calendars? - from the distant 1918 to the present day.

How did February 23rd come about?

For the first time, the anniversary of the newborn Red Army was celebrated in 1919. In the days of February, a year was celebrated for the confrontation between the German troops and the army of the new state being created. Now there are many options for interpreting what happened in February 1918, but it is not our task to plunge into the intricacies of historical intrigues. Therefore, we will focus on the facts that influenced the fact that today February 23 is a truly national holiday:

• For the first time, the holiday acquired its official name in 1922. Then it was called the Day of the Red Army and Navy.
• In 1923, the 5th anniversary of the young Red Army was widely celebrated. And although in fact the Decree on the organization of the Red Army was adopted at a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars on January 28, 1918, it has historically developed a tradition to celebrate the holiday on February 23.
• February 23, 1938 was approved anniversary medal"XX years of the Red Army", and the holiday became not only official, but also solemn.
• During the years of the Great Patriotic War February 23 took on a special meaning. Each family was waiting for news from their relatives and friends from the front, so the Red Army Day was celebrated by everyone. They congratulated their beloved warriors in writing and in absentia and hoped very much that they would return home as soon as possible. It is in those years that the origins of people's love and attention to this date lie.
• During the Great Patriotic War, this holiday was celebrated in a special way. On February 23, 1943, the Red Army defeated the enemy near Stalingrad, turning back the almost 20-month-long German offensive. Exactly one year later, on February 23, 1944, the army of our country celebrated its holiday by crossing the Dnieper. On February 23, 1945, the Red Army already celebrated in Europe. Our country was liberated from fascist invaders.

February 23 era of the USSR

Already after the war since 1949, the holiday was renamed, and February 23 became known as the Day of the Soviet Army and Navy. There is a tradition to celebrate this event solemnly and on a grand scale:

1. On this day, military parades were held, fireworks were arranged. Veterans of the army and navy were awarded orders and medals. First honored those who were related to military service, but since in the days of the USSR most of the young men served in the army, the holiday gradually became more widespread.
2. It is not known who gave the first gift on this day. Most likely, at first these were small souvenirs, memorable gifts, official awards. Already in the second half of the 20th century, a tradition developed to present certificates, honorary medals, and then valuable gifts to those who performed excellent service or distinguished themselves in the performance of their military duty.
3. The tradition migrated from the official stands to ordinary families. And on February 23, festive tables were laid, gifts were prepared, and men in work teams were congratulated on the holiday of the Soviet Army and Navy.
4. Gradually, the difference between those who served in the army, and those who for some reason avoided it, began to fade. In fact, how to congratulate the staff of the plant? Select only those who served, and send the rest from the solemn meeting, dedicated to the holiday? This is how this day began to turn into a universal men's holiday.

Defender of the Fatherland Day or Men's Day?

After the Soviet Union became the property of history, the Day of the Soviet Army was also canceled. This holiday has not been celebrated since 1993.

But Since 1995 we have been celebrating Defender of the Fatherland Day, congratulating not only those who serve in the army and law enforcement agencies, but also those who protect our families every day - fathers, husbands, brothers.

According to the established tradition, congratulations, gifts and refreshments in honor of men are prepared on this day.

It should be noted that attempts have been made more than once to replace February 23 with other dates. So, in Ukraine, the Day of the Armed Forces was introduced, which is celebrated on December 6. Nevertheless, the fraternal Ukrainian people continued to celebrate their favorite date - February 23rd. Since 1999, Defender of the Fatherland Day has been returned to the calendar again, to the great satisfaction of Ukrainians.

Since 2006, February 23 has been declared a public holiday in Russia, which only added to its popularity.

Our history is complex and confusing. Over time, any event is interpreted differently, and seen in a different way. But this holiday has long and firmly enjoyed popular love and recognition - Defender of the Fatherland Day, an unofficial men's day, a holiday for men who protect us.

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What kind of day is this Russian history 20th century - February 23? Should we consider it a holiday, as the government considers it to be a red day of the calendar? For many in Russia, it has become the day of men, more precisely, the day of real men who serve in the army, or in the police, or in any other power structures. Or once served. Or they didn’t serve anywhere at all, but they are men and therefore they seem to have deserved gifts for February 23 and honoring along with the rest :)

Many are so accustomed to celebrating this day, with noisy feasts, gifts, and now another day off given to us by the government, that no one remembers why this holiday arose at all. How did it all start? What gave meaning to the existence of this day? Who invented that myth about the victory over the German troops near Narva and Pskov in 1918, which gave birth to the so-called Red Army? Was this birth at all and what do we celebrate then - this will be our story ...

Interestingly, the annals of military history preserved a description of the valiant defense of Pskov, but only during the Livonian, and not at all in Last year First World War. For almost five months, from August 1581 to January 1582, the besieged Pskov garrison, led by the governor Ivan Shuisky, successfully repelled repeated attempts by the Polish king Stefan Batory to take over the city. In the winter of 1918, everything turned out differently.

Is the war lost?

On the evening of February 10, 1918, the fruitless Brest-Litovsk negotiations, which took place from November 20, 1917 at the headquarters of the commander-in-chief of the German Eastern Front, were interrupted after the declaration of Soviet representatives led by Leon Trotsky, who announced - unilaterally - the end of the war with the states of the quadruple alliance ( Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria). On the morning of February 11, the Soviet government ordered the complete demobilization of the Russian armed forces. To everyone who could not understand why disband the troops without signing a separate peace, the head of the Petrograd Bolsheviks and right hand Ulyanov-Lenin, Zinoviev explained from the rostrum: an enemy attack should not be expected, since the working people of Germany and Austria-Hungary do not want to fight at all.

A week later, the German high command of Hindenburg, which had long ago transferred the most combat-ready formations to its Western Front, announced the end of the temporary truce. German military units launched an offensive along the entire line of the collapsed Eastern Front, capturing Dvinsk (later Daugavpils) on February 18, Minsk on the 20th, Polotsk on the 21st, Rezhitsa (later Rezekne) on February 22.

The originality of the renewed hostilities lay primarily in the swiftness of the German invasion. The enemy moved east mainly by "combat trains", encountering practically no resistance. In 14 - 16 wagons of such echelons there was a squadron of cavalry, up to half a company of infantry (with 14 - 16 machine guns and 2 - 4 cannons) and a sapper platoon.

According to the same Zinoviev, an enemy detachment, consisting of either 60 or 100 people, entered the well-fortified Dvinsk. As Russkiye Vedomosti wrote, a unit burst into Rezhitsa, so small in number that it failed to take the telegraph office on the move, which worked for almost another day.

According to the press, the Minsk Bolsheviks began to prepare to flee from the morning of February 19th. Weapons and food were brought to the station; by 18 o'clock a truck arrived with boxes and trunks, where there were 13 million rubles - the city's cash confiscated during the day. In 10 cars of the "secret echelon" there were local chiefs with security and the headquarters of the Red Guard, headed by the military commissar of the western region Myasnikov (Myasnikyan), a former assistant to a barrister and future first secretary of the Transcaucasian regional committee of the RCP (b). Unexpectedly, the workers of the railway workshops drove the engine away and demanded a salary for the last months.

The night dragged on in disputes about the permissible scale of remuneration for proletarian labor, only by dawn did both sides agree on a total amount of 450 thousand rubles. Having received the money, the workers were determined not to let out of the city several commissars suspected of major theft. In response, the Bolsheviks set up machine guns on the platforms and roofs of the cars and threatened to destroy the entire station if a steam locomotive was not immediately attached to the train. On the morning of February 20, the "secret echelon" finally set off for Smolensk, and the German cavalry approached the Belarusian capital. After a short respite in Minsk, the German detachments advanced 117 versts towards Moscow in some 18-20 hours.

On the night of February 19, Lenin and Trotsky had already hastily telegraphed to Berlin about the readiness of the Council of People's Commissars to sign peace without delay on German terms, but the German command preferred to extend the economically advantageous and easy offensive until they received official written confirmation of the sent dispatch. The next day, the Council of People's Commissars approved the night telegram and called on all local councils and military organizations to make every effort to recreate the army. At the same time, the Soviet government was by no means in a hurry to order at least a suspension of the hard-to-explain demobilization, and the relevant commissariat continued its convulsive activity to disband military units.

The first point for recruiting volunteers for the Red Army opened in the Vyborg district of Petrograd only on February 21. On the same day, the emergency headquarters of the Petrograd Military District was established, headed by Bonch-Bruyevich, head of the affairs of the Council of People's Commissars, and Lenin wrote an appeal "The socialist fatherland is in danger!" The emergency headquarters declared the capital under a state of siege, introduced military censorship and ordered the execution of "counter-revolutionary agitators and German spies."

The Soviet commander-in-chief, Ensign Krylenko, in turn, determined to defeat the insidious enemy by publishing an order to "organize fraternization" and instructed the revolutionary agitators to convince the German soldiers "of the criminality of their offensive."

Only...

rout

Meanwhile, the German military units headed for Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located and there were extensive warehouses of military equipment, ammunition and food. Only on February 23, the Bolsheviks declared Pskov in a state of siege; On the evening of February 24, a German detachment of no more than 200 people captured the city without a fight. On the same day, February 24, Yuryev and Revel (now Tartu and Tallinn) fell.

The breakthrough, which the powerful grouping of Field Marshal von Hindenburg failed in 1915, was carried out - virtually without losses - by small and scattered German units, the speed of which was limited mainly by the degree of patency of Russian highways and railways.

“I have never seen such an absurd war,” recalled German General Max Hoffmann. “We fought it practically on trains and cars. You put a handful of infantry with machine guns and one cannon on the train and go to the next station. farther".

There was practically no one to resist:
“When I first passed through the front line on the way to Brest-Litovsk, the trenches were almost empty,” Trotsky said in My Life.

“There is no army. Comrades sleep, eat, play cards, they don’t follow anyone’s orders and orders. The Germans are well aware of all this,” testified Colonel Belovsky, chief of staff of one of the Northern Front corps.

"Lucin was taken as follows: only 42 Germans arrived in the town from Rezhitsa in two wagons. The Germans were very tired, and first went to the buffet, where they had a hearty meal. After which they detained a train of soldiers preparing to leave. The Germans lined up soldiers lined up on the platform, took away their guns and said: “Now you are free. March wherever you want, but you won’t get locomotives,” the Izvestia newspaper reported on March 1.

"There is evidence that in some cases unarmed German soldiers dispersed hundreds of our soldiers," Grigory Zinoviev admitted.

“To a large extent, the consolidated detachments turned out to be incapacitated, gave a large percentage of desertion, disobedience. The detachments of the Red Guard showed weak endurance, poor maneuverability and combat readiness,” recalled Soviet military leader Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko.

"The army rushed to run, leaving everything," Bolshevik Commander-in-Chief Nikolai Krylenko declared in hot pursuit.

A few hours after the fall of Pskov, Bonch-Bruevich was alarmed by a telegram about a possible German attack on Petrograd. On the night of February 25, he read out this disturbing news at a meeting of the Petrograd Soviet and demanded to wake up the sleeping city with factory horns in order to move from words to deeds and urgently start recording volunteers for the Red Army. Recall that it was already February 25, after the "victory" near Narva and Pskov, as Soviet propagandists later claimed.

All to arms!

By the evening of February 25, Pravda duplicated Bonch-Bruyevich's nightly restlessness with exclamations partly borrowed from novels about the French Revolution popular in the early 20th century: , the authorities of the Soviets, - to the last breath, fight the robbers who are advancing on you! All to arms! Merge immediately into the red socialist battalions and go win or die! "

From that day on, in different districts of Petrograd, recruiting centers were actually opened, where they accepted candidates for defenders of the fatherland every day, with the exception of weekends and public holidays, from 10 or 11 to 15 or 16 hours, but only on the recommendation of a committee (party, soldier or factory).

The constant, although not at all dense, influx of volunteers into the Red Army was ensured by the growing economic ruin. Unprecedented unemployment and impending famine served as a reliable guarantee of successful recruitment of volunteers in the future, since army rations, backed by the promise of monetary allowance, have long been considered as a sure way to stimulate the fighting spirit of the unemployed. In the diary of V.G. Korolenko reflects scenes of the recruitment of Soviet troops in Ukraine back in January 1918:
"... A man comes to join the Red Guard. They say to him: - You, comrade, do you know our platform? - I know: 15 rubles a day"

On January 14, 1918, Lenin, indignant at the “monstrous inactivity of the St. As long as we do not apply terror - execution on the spot - to speculators, nothing will come of it. If the detachments are made up of random, uncoordinated people, there can be no robberies. In addition, the robbers must also be dealt with resolutely - shot on the spot. The wealthy part of the population must plant for 3 days without bread, since they have stocks of other products and can get them at high prices from speculators. Apparently not placing any special hopes on the quick awakening of expropriatory activity among the working people, the leader of the world proletariat addressed his like-minded people in Kharkov on January 15: “For God's sake, take the most energetic and revolutionary measures to send bread, bread and bread !!! ".

By that time, Petrograd was already noticeably empty. If from January 1918, fleeing from repressions, the so-called bourgeoisie (together with the intelligentsia and officers) pulled out of the city, then at the end of February a mass exodus of workers driven by hunger began. A radical solution to all problems at once was found then by the leader of the world proletariat. On the morning of February 21, Lenin ordered “to send all the bourgeoisie without exception to one,” under the control of tens of thousands of workers, to dig trenches near Petrograd, but, after thinking it over until the evening, he did not include minor and infirm “members of the bourgeois class” in the labor battalions, ordering to mobilize only able-bodied men and women, and "resisting - to shoot."

Fulfilling the directives of the leader, Krylenko called on the inhabitants of Petrograd to defend the Soviet government, not forgetting to mention the freedom of choice of every inhabitant: whoever does not sign up for the Red Army himself will be sent to peck the frozen ground under escort. Three days after this statement, the Red Army grew, according to the Petrograd press, to almost a hundred thousand people. Hastily assembled work detachments - in fact, the militia - set off to plug the dimensionless gaps on the Western Front with their bodies.

Quite real, judging by the direction of the main attack, the threat of a German attack on Petrograd prompted the Soviet command to put forward the best military units to defend the capital.

"Towards" the enemy

People's Commissar for Naval Affairs Dybenko personally led a formation of Baltic sailors towards the enemy, who had proven themselves excellently in dispersing and shooting a peaceful demonstration of Petrograd residents on the opening day of the Constituent Assembly.

After a splendid sip in Petrograd on February 28, and taking with them three kegs of alcohol confiscated somewhere, the revolutionary sailors broke into Narva, frozen with frost and fear, on March 1. Having announced to the city his personal decrees on universal labor service and the Red Terror, the people's commissar for maritime affairs sat down at the headquarters and began redistributing alcohol; the lads, on the other hand, proceeded to the unaccountable executions of their compatriots, having previously driven the inhabitants of Narva out into the streets to clear the pavements from snow drifts.

The confiscated alcohol quickly ran out, and by the evening of March 3, Dybenko, together with his headquarters, left Narva, taking telephone and telegraph sets with him. Panic seized the troops subordinated to the people's commissar; their crushing retreat was stopped only a day later. Having intercepted Dybenko in Yamburg (since 1922, Kingisepp), General Parsky, who arrived from Petrograd, tried to persuade the people's commissar to return to Narva, but he replied that his "sailors were tired" and drove off to Gatchina.

On the morning of March 4, a small German detachment occupied Narva without a fight and not without slight surprise. An experienced combat general Parsky organized the defense of Yamburg, but the German army had already stopped the offensive, since on March 3 a peace treaty was signed in Brest-Litovsk.

Four years later, Krylenko, who changed the baton of the commander-in-chief for the club of the state prosecutor the very next day after the signing of the Brest Peace, recalled with tenderness how the workers of Petrograd rose to the defense of Soviet power "on the critical night" of February 25, 1918 and defended their city in positions near Narva and Yamburg, Pskov and Luga.

Escape to Moscow

The German intervention in February 1918 was, as they began to express themselves several decades later, truly fateful. The residents of Petrograd were the first to feel this, for already on February 20 the capital was flooded with rumors about the upcoming evacuation of the Soviet government to Moscow.

The Provisional Government had previously declared the capital in danger, but did not manage to take any action to leave Petrograd. In the workers' quarters, according to a contemporary, "the readiness of the ruling patriots to abandon the capital to the Germans and flee themselves aroused the greatest indignation."

On October 6, the soldiers' section of the Central Executive Committee even adopted a special resolution: "If the Provisional Government is unable to defend Petrograd, then it is obliged to make peace or give way to another government. Moving to Moscow would mean desertion from a responsible military post." Behind all this pathetic tinsel, quite specific fears were hidden, because the transfer of government offices to another city seriously violated the plans of the Bolsheviks to seize power.

But just four months after the October coup, the leaders completely privatized the plan of the Provisional Government to move the capital to Moscow. The day after the fall of Pskov, on February 25, Bonch-Bruyevich, the head of the affairs of the Council of People's Commissars, informed Lenin of the need for urgent relocation of senior dignitaries from the capital to the provinces. The chairman of the Soviet government expressed his full consent. Both Bonch-Bruevich and Lenin clearly realized that the main thing in the craft of leaders is to escape in time, they only formulated their concepts in other terms.

The leader of the world proletariat and his manager were very worried not only and not so much by the German military operations, but by the mass impoverishment and prolonged malnutrition of the inhabitants of the capital, the complete lack of order, the arbitrariness of the demobilized soldiers flooding Peter and the savagery of the revolutionary sailors who robbed the capital without hindrance. Knowing well how spontaneous indignation could end in the "cradle of three revolutions", the leaders hurried to hide from their compatriots behind the Kremlin walls, placing numerous vigilant guards with machine guns around the perimeter of the citadel. With the aim of purely conspiracy of their plan from fellow citizens, Lenin and Bonch-Bruevich "agreed not to disclose all this, not to inform Moscow in advance, and to organize the move as suddenly as possible."

On March 1, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee called the initiative to evacuate government institutions rumors, despite the fact that it was already underway, and Grigory Zinoviev was already in Moscow by that time, preparing the move. In parallel, rumors were spread about the transfer of the capital not to Moscow, but to Nizhny Novgorod. All this disinformation was aimed at confusing the Social Revolutionaries who were preparing a terrorist attack on the route of government trains.

Not all Bolsheviks approved of the transfer of the capital. For example, the chairman of the Petrosoviet, Lev Trotsky, viewed this as the intention of the "bourgeoisie" to "surrender red St. Petersburg to the Germans", as well as "desertion from a responsible military post."

In order to avoid any misunderstandings, the fearful Bonch-Bruevich enlisted a report from his older brother, the general, who authoritatively confirmed the expediency of the Soviet government moving from Smolny to the Kremlin. At a closed meeting of the Council of People's Commissars on February 26, Lenin informed his comrades-in-arms of his decision to urgently move to Moscow, taking with him from each department "only the minimum number of heads of the central administrative apparatus", and also "by all means and immediately remove the State Bank, gold and Expedition for the Procurement of Government Papers". Since then, almost all dictators of the 20th century have repeatedly used Lenin's tactics: during a military coup, they took first of all mail, telegraph and telephone exchange, and before fleeing - the State Bank.

From February 27, the Bolsheviks stopped all payments to the population and organizations of Petrograd and closed the State Bank, "so as not to pander to panic moods." Following this, telegrams from Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod, Cherepovets and other cities rained down on the Council of People's Commissars about the complete absence of money in banks, non-payment of salaries to workers and strikes due to the inability to buy bread rations.

In the meantime, the communist press printed a special message from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee: "All rumors about the evacuation of the Council of People's Commissars and the Central Executive Committee from Petrograd are completely false. The Council of People's Commissars and the Central Executive Committee remain in Petrograd and prepare the most energetic defense of Petrograd. The question of evacuation could be raised only at the last minute in the event that Petrograd was in the most immediate danger, which does not exist at the present moment.

Trotsky explained to his comrades-in-arms, who were in no way able to understand why to flee to Moscow after the conclusion of the Brest Peace, that the change of the capital would serve as the best guarantee against the capture of Petrograd by the German army - the Germans, they say, do not need a huge hungry city without a government. The Council of People's Commissars considered it useful to postpone the publication of the official notice of the transfer of the capital until the Congress of Soviets scheduled for mid-March.

On Friday, March 8, the People's Commissariat of Justice retreated to Moscow "for more peaceful and productive work," and on Saturday, March 9, the leadership of the Cheka left, taking with them two million rubles to cover future expenses. Before leaving, the Chekists managed to establish the Petrograd branch of the punitive department and offer their colleagues to arrest "prominent capitalists" as hostages.

Late Sunday evening, March 10, under the heavy guard of the Latvian riflemen, the leader of the world proletariat set off. His train with unlit car windows quietly, as if stealthily, departed from an abandoned half-station on the outskirts of Petrograd and just as imperceptibly arrived at the capital city on the dark frosty evening of March 11. Subsequently, Bonch-Bruevich considered the secret organization of the transportation of the Soviet government to Moscow one of his most important services to the party.

On the third day after the arrival of the leader, the Extraordinary Congress of Soviets opened in Moscow. After much bickering, its delegates ratified the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and on March 16 granted Petrograd the status of a provincial city. For a country where symbols often replaced reality, the deprivation of Petrograd of its former title meant, in fact, a political turn towards pre-Petrine isolation and capital isolation of the population from the "pernicious influence" of Western democracies. The Mensheviks tried to state their point of view on what was happening, however, as soon as they began to talk about "discrediting the revolution", the inexorable chairman of the congress, Sverdlov, deprived them of the floor, for which he immediately received the nickname The Plug.

The members of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik faction of the RSDLP, who gathered in Smolny, in the absence of an army and the ability of individual detachments of the Red Guard to defend Petrograd, agreed to accept the German ultimatum. For the sake of maintaining his power, Lenin was ready to subscribe to any terms of an "obscene peace" with the states of the quadruple alliance. "For a revolutionary war, an army is needed, but there is none," he harshly argued the decision imposed on his associates. As usual, Zinoviev echoed the leader of the world proletariat: "From the experience of recent days, it is clear that there is no enthusiasm in the army and the country ... only general fatigue is noticed."

On February 23, 1918, at 10.30 am, Germany presented its peace conditions, demanding an answer to them no later than 48 hours later.

The Soviet government was to:

• recognize the independence of Courland, Livonia, Estonia, Finland, Ukraine;
• withdraw their troops from their territory;
• make peace with Ukraine;
• transfer Anatolian provinces (Batumi, Kars) to Turkey;
• demobilize the army;
• to disarm the fleet in the Baltic and Black Seas and in the Arctic Ocean;
• recognize the Russian-German trade agreement of 1904, which was unfavorable for Russia;
• to give Germany the right of most favored nation in trade until 1925;
• allow duty-free export to Germany of ore and other raw materials;
• stop agitation and propaganda against the powers of the Quadruple Alliance.

On the same day, the German demands were considered at a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) and at a joint meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) and the Central Committee of the Party of Left Socialist Revolutionaries.

At a meeting of the Central Committee, Lenin, with great difficulty, threatening to resign, managed to achieve agreement on these conditions.

At a joint meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) and the Central Committee of the PLSR, the majority spoke out against peace, but decided to refer the issue to the factions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

At 3:00 am on February 24, after a roll-call vote, the majority of the members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee spoke in favor of accepting the German peace terms and sending a delegation to Brest to sign a peace treaty.

Despite the categorical objections of 85 participants, 116 members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, in the dead of night, accepted the conditions of unconditional surrender dictated by the German government; 26 people abstained from voting.

At 7:00 am, the decision of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was brought to the attention of the German leadership, which, in turn, demanded that the Soviet delegation arrive in Brest no later than 3 days later.

But the fact that nowhere, not a single word is mentioned about the creation, and even more so about the victorious offensive of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army, looks surprising.

The writer Yuri Felyptinsky, a witness of those years, writes: “But the most surprising thing (in the German offensive on February 23) was that the Germans advanced without an army. They acted in small scattered detachments of 100-200 people, and not even regular units, but assembled from volunteers. Due to the panic that reigned among the Bolsheviks and rumors about the approach of the mythical German troops, cities and stations were left without a fight even before the enemy arrived. Dvinsk, for example, was taken by a German detachment of 60-100 people. Pskov was occupied by a small detachment of Germans who arrived on motorcycles " (The collapse of the world revolution. S. 259-260).

So it turns out that there were no victories over the German army on February 23, nor the German army itself advancing on Petrograd.

Newspapers of the end of February 1918 do not contain any victorious reports. And the February newspapers of the no less militant year of 1919 do not rejoice over the first anniversary of the "great victory."

Red day of the calendar?

In fact, on January 10, 1919, the chairman of the Higher Military Inspectorate, Nikolai Podvoisky, proposed to celebrate the anniversary of the decree on the creation of the Red Army on January 28. However, the memorandum sent by him to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee was not considered in time due to bureaucratic confusion.

Then they decided to combine the anniversary of the army with " Happy Red Gift"- the collection of food and essentials for the troops. In 1918, it took place on February 17, but in 1919 the date fell on a weekday, and the event was moved to the next Sunday, February 23.

So the day of the Red Army - the "gravedigger of capital" - was celebrated on Sunday, February 23, 1919, and it was marked, as expected, by "big rallies" in theaters and factories.

People's Commissar for Military Affairs Lev Trotsky, who unexpectedly invented this holiday out of nothing, announced a competition for the best march of the Red Army.

The civil war, famine and devastation, however, did not at all contribute to the bright mood of the working people, therefore, probably, in 1920 and 1921, the day of the Red Army was simply forgotten.

But in 1922, the chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, Trotsky, arranged a military parade on Red Square on that day, thereby laying the tradition of an annual nationwide celebration. Exactly at noon on February 23, "the organizer and beloved leader of our army" accepted the report of the parade commander and, going around the shelves, shouted a fiery speech out of habit, timing the fourth anniversary of the Red Army to coincide with the publication of Lenin's decree on its creation.

Here again there is a discrepancy. The decree on the organization of the Red Army was adopted at a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars on January 15, 1918 (hereinafter, the dates before February 1, 1918 are indicated in the old style.) The next day, January 16, Lenin signed a decree on the allocation of 20 million rubles from the state treasury for needs again formed military formations. Both decrees were published on January 19, 1918.

Nevertheless, Trotsky insistently repeated in 1923: the decree on the organization of the Red Army by the Council of People's Commissars was issued precisely on February 23, 1918. That is, in the words of Mikhail Bulgakov, "a citizen who lied."

The metropolitan press five year anniversary The Red Army indicated its strategic tasks, placing under the image of the globe covered with Budyonovka, an unambiguous signature: "The Red Army has great goals." Trotsky did not prepare a military parade for this day - the "outstanding leader and educator" of the Red Army had already played enough soldiers in the squares and was now carried away by his own health and inner-party strife.

With the disgrace of Trotsky, the official justification for the holiday was also slightly transformed.

By the tenth anniversary of the Red Army, it suddenly became clear that on February 23, 1918, the Soviet government had already begun to form the first detachments of the Red Army, although the new People's Commissar for Military Affairs Voroshilov still associated "ceremonial events" with the aforementioned Lenin decree. Instead of portraits of Trotsky and his associates, the press was then adorned with photographs of Lenin, Frunze and Voroshilov.

In 1933, at a solemn meeting in honor of the 15th anniversary of the Red Army in 1933, People's Commissar of Defense Kliment Voroshilov admitted in a speech that "the coincidence of the anniversary of the Red Army on February 23 is rather random and difficult to explain and does not coincide with historical dates."

In subsequent years, at ceremonial meetings on the occasion of anniversary The Red Army military leadership made pompous speeches with ritual threats, but without intelligible excursions into the recent past.

myths

And only in September of the same 1938, when the Pravda newspaper for the first time published "A Short Course in the History of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks", did the working people finally receive the only correct interpretation of the national holiday:

“In response to the cry “The socialist fatherland is in danger!” thrown by the party and the Soviet government, the working class responded by intensifying the formation of Red Army units. a resolute rebuff was given. The day of repulse to the troops of German imperialism - February 23 - became the birthday of the young Red Army. "

Such a purely mythological explanation of the national holiday is easily and firmly rooted in the mass consciousness. In the difficult years of the war, when every weighty word strengthened the fighting spirit of the army in the field, Supreme Commander-in-Chief Stalin intensified the previous accents, declaring that on February 23, 1918, the Red Army detachments "utterly defeated the troops of the German invaders near Pskov and Narva."

The sacred wording of the "Short Course in the History of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks" remained frozen for almost 20 years, and only during the Khrushchev "thaw" did a thaw appear in it. The "decisive rebuff" near Narva disappeared from it completely without a trace, but near Pskov, the Red Army created by Lenin put up "stubborn resistance to superior enemy forces and inflicted a serious defeat on them."

In fact, the task of the Trotskyist, and later Stalinist leadership in inventing this myth was simple and understandable: they all took a direct part in the clownish peace negotiations, the inglorious organization of "resistance" to the German units, and then the shameful surrender of Germany in Brest. Displacing from memory the unpleasant impressions associated with the shameful capitulation, Trotsky appointed a national holiday for February 23. Continuing the tradition of the annual celebration, Stalin tried to completely oust the shameful stain on the past of his empire from the consciousness of his subjects.

The myth was a glorious success - in the best traditions of Soviet propaganda. However, despite the complexity of the history of this holiday, February 23 - Defenders of the Fatherland Day - was and remains a professional day for the Russian military. That is how, in popular use (officially for some time it was called "The Day of the Red Army's victory over the German Kaiser troops in 1918", which was completely nonsense) this holiday has been called since 1993, restored a few years after the official silence of the era of the collapse of communism in 1991. In 2002, it was made officially a non-working day and excluded from the title "The Day of the Red Army's Victory over the Kaiser's troops of Germany in 1918". And the point here, as it seems, is no longer in the dates and real events behind these dates.

What to do?

The main argument of supporters of the preservation of this day is the fact that February 23 is celebrated not only in Russia. After the collapse of the USSR, this holiday became de facto international.

However, let's see where else it is celebrated? Defender of the Fatherland Day is also celebrated in Kyrgyzstan (non-working) and in Belarus. In Belarus, it continues to be a working day. But we are much more united by the date celebrated by our peoples on May 9! But February 23 is worth nothing ...

Of course, each of us would like us to celebrate the true day of the Defender of the Fatherland. One could join the celebration of "Men's Day" by dozens of countries around the world. The UN gave this holiday the status of an international holiday at the same time as March 8 and recommended that it be celebrated on the first Saturday of November.

Or you can search your history. Someone proposes to celebrate the day of victory in the Battle of Kulikovo, someone the day of the Battle of Borodino.

In Russia, before the Bolshevik coup of 1917, the holiday of May 6, the Day of St. George the Patron of Russian soldiers, was traditionally considered the Day of the Russian Army. Since the beginning of the 90s, this holiday has been celebrated annually in Russia by the Russian Orthodox Church and military-patriotic, Cossack and public associations.

Perhaps someday it will be celebrated and Russian army. On this Day, the soldiers of the Russian army participated in parades, on this day they awarded St. George's crosses and other awards, on this day they handed over and consecrated the Banners, and at the end they visited churches and commemorated all the soldiers who died for Russia, and for those who adhere to such an interpretation History February 23 remains only an excuse for drinking "comrade atheists."

Five dates February 23

On this day, an event really happened that deserves a place in the annals of Russian military history: the Ice Campaign of the Volunteer Army began. Without knowing it, the Soviet people celebrated the birthday of the white movement for decades.

The Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, he is the People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR, he is also the Supreme Commander I. Stalin issued an order. It summed up the results of the eight-month struggle against the Nazi invaders.

And they, these results, were terrible. Million losses. Hundreds of cities surrendered, entire republics ... But there were also encouraging lines: the crushing defeat of the Germans near Moscow!

British Prime Minister Winston Churchill addressed us with a message on the occasion of the anniversary of the Red Army: "On this solemn occasion, I convey the expression of the admiration and gratitude with which the peoples british empire they follow their exploits, and our confidence in the victorious end of the war ... "The old fox was well aware that if not the Red Army, which stood in the way of the brown plague, then the fate of all of Europe would be sealed.

And here is what Franz Halder, Chief of the General Staff of the Land Forces of Nazi Germany, wrote in his diary on February 23: "The expected enemy offensive in honor of the Red Army Day did not happen. The situation did not change significantly ..."

Halder was cunning, reassuring himself. The fighting was fierce everywhere. And it is not for nothing that Hitler will soon dismiss his chief of staff, as well as almost two hundred other generals. The main reason for this was the failure of the blitzkrieg.

By this day, the Red Army had prepared a gift of gifts, defeating the Germans at Stalingrad and capturing almost two hundred thousand soldiers and Field Marshal Paulus.

In his next order, Stalin summed up the twenty-month struggle against the Nazi hordes. The latest successes of the troops of the Leningrad and Volkhov fronts in the Mginsky direction were especially noted. And although the operation did not give great territorial results, it forced the enemy to bring up large reserves, removing them from other sectors.

A telegram was received in Moscow from US President Franklin Roosevelt: "Please accept our deep admiration for the Red Army, its magnificent achievements unsurpassed in all history. It stopped the enemy near Leningrad, near Moscow, in the Caucasus, and, finally, in the immortal great attack."

On the eve of the 26th anniversary of the Red Army, our troops crossed the Dnieper, and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted a Decree on conferring the title of Hero Soviet Union more than two hundred generals, officers, sergeants and privates. Several thousand soldiers were awarded orders and medals.

The third and final period of the Great Patriotic War began. There were over six million soldiers and commanders in the ranks of the active army. And in service there were five thousand tanks, ninety thousand guns, eight and a half thousand aircraft. It was a force capable of finally crushing the enemy.

At 02:00 local time, the deportation of the Chechen-Ingush people began - the first echelons were sent to their destinations.

Order of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief No. 5 on the results of the winter offensive. Our land has already been cleared of invaders, an unprecedented blow has been dealt from the Baltic to the Carpathians.

The Second and Third Belorussian Fronts are fighting in the area of ​​Koenigsberg, the First Ukrainian Front has reached the Oder. The Vistula-Oder, Warsaw-Poznan, Sandomierz-Silesian operations have been completed. Soviet people use every minute to listen to the radio: how far have our people advanced, what cities have they taken?

Old "friend" Winston again sent a message: "Future generations recognize their duty to the Red Army as unconditionally as we did, who lived to witness these magnificent victories ..."

Ahead were two more months of fierce fighting and the most stubborn - for Berlin.

The history of the holiday originates on January 28 (January 15 according to the old style) 1918. On this day, against the backdrop of the ongoing World War I in Europe, the Council of People's Commissars (the de facto government of Soviet Russia), headed by its chairman Vladimir Lenin, adopted a Decree on the organization of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army (RKKA).

In the first days of January 1919, the Soviet authorities remembered the approaching anniversary of the decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the organization of the Red Army. On January 10, the chairman of the Higher Military Inspectorate of the Red Army, Nikolai Podvoisky, sent a proposal to the presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to celebrate the anniversary of the creation of the Red Army, timing the celebration to the nearest Sunday before or after January 28. However, due to the late submission of the application, no decision was made.

Then the Moscow Soviet took the initiative to celebrate the first anniversary of the Red Army. On January 24, 1919, its presidium, which at that time was headed by Lev Kamenev, decided to coincide with these celebrations on the Day of the Red Gift. This day was arranged by the relevant commission at the All-Russian Central Executive Committee in order to assist the fighting Red Army soldiers. The Day of the Red Gift was scheduled for February 16, but the commission did not have time to hold it on time. Therefore, the Day of the Red Gift and the Day of the Red Army, timed to coincide with it, decided to celebrate the following Sunday after February 16, i.e. February 23.

In 1920-1921. Red Army Day was not celebrated.

On January 27, 1922, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee published a resolution on the 4th anniversary of the Red Army, which stated: "In accordance with the resolution of the IX All-Russian Congress of Soviets on the Red Army, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee draws the attention of the executive committees to the upcoming anniversary of the creation of the Red Army (February 23)."

In 1923, the decision of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, adopted on January 18, said: "On February 23, 1923, the Red Army will celebrate the 5th anniversary of its existence. On this day, five years ago, the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of January 28 was published the same year that laid the foundation for the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army, the stronghold of the proletarian dictatorship. However, this statement was not true, because. the said decree was printed in the central newspapers almost immediately after its adoption.

The 10th anniversary of the Red Army in 1928, like all previous ones, was celebrated as the anniversary of the decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the organization of the Red Army of January 28 (15 according to the old style) of January 28, 1918, but the very date of publication, contrary to the truth, was directly connected with February 23.

In 1938, in the "Short Course on the History of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks" a fundamentally new version of the origin of the date of the holiday was presented, not related to the decree of the Council of People's Commissars. The book stated that in 1918, near Narva and Pskov, "the German occupiers were given a decisive rebuff. Their advance on Petrograd was suspended. The day of the rebuff to the troops of German imperialism - February 23, became the birthday of the young Red Army."

Later, in the order of the People's Commissar of Defense of the USSR dated February 23, 1942, the wording was changed: "The young detachments of the Red Army, who entered the war for the first time, utterly defeated the German invaders near Pskov and Narva on February 23, 1918. That is why February 23 was declared the day birth of the Red Army.

In 1951, the last interpretation of the holiday appeared. In the "History of the Civil War in the USSR" it was indicated that in 1919 the first anniversary of the Red Army was celebrated "on the memorable day of the mobilization of the working people for the defense of the socialist Fatherland, the mass entry of workers into the Red Army, the broad formation of the first detachments and units of the new army."

In the Federal Law of March 13, 1995 N32-FZ "On the Days of Military Glory of Russia", February 23 is officially called "The Day of the Red Army's Victory over the Kaiser's troops of Germany in 1918 - the Day of Defenders of the Fatherland."

In accordance with the changes made to the Federal Law "On the Days of Military Glory of Russia" by the Federal Law of April 15, 2006, the words "Day of the victory of the Red Army over the Kaiser troops of Germany (1918)" are excluded from the official description of the holiday, and are also set out in a single including the concept of "defender".

The material was prepared on the basis of information from open sources